the titles of some of their works, are given. Good and bad authors are set down pêle-mêle together, and very often a friar, whose name was never heard of before Mr. Lombardi mentioned it, takes up more of the pages of the author than a first rate man. Thus the articles, Lagrange and Piazzi togethertwo names than which none stood higher among their contemporaries, and very few indeed, if any, among the whole range of mathematicians and astronomers of any age-are shorter than that of Ruffini alone, a third rate mathematician, whose name is scarcely known to the scientific world. But to understand the secret, the reader must know that Ruffini was one of the greatest bigots that ever lived-and then the reason of the difference will be soon perceived. The spirit in which this history is written is most abominable. To praise every tyrant in the world, of a legitimate race, is the business of this historian. But the facts are either perverted, or concealed, when a king of the right stock may be implicated. Cirillo and Pagano were murdered by order of his late Majesty Ferdinand IV. of Naples; the greatest perjurer that ever lived, and a gross violater of the usages of private life. Mr. Lombardi, instead of mentioning the facts, says that Cirillo si lasciò purtroppo strascinare dal turbine della rivoluzuione nel 1799 e ne fu miserabilmente la vittima," vol. ii. p. 192; and that Pagano “s' impacciò nella miserabile rivoluzione del 1799, della quale restò ben presto vittima." Conforti too was one of the victims sacrificed on that occasion: a man than whom none among the jurists of the last century was more deeply acquainted with the Canon Law. But as he attacked the Court of Rome in defence of the throne of the very monster who had him put to death, the worthy historian, to show his affection both to the Pope and to the King, does not mention poor Conforti at all. In speaking of the monument ordered to be erected to Algarotti, by Frederick II. of Prussia, Mr. Lombardi registers the fact, but does not add, what he has certainly read in Ugoni, that the King never paid for the monument after having ordered it. We might add a thousand proofs of Mr. Lombardi's unfairness and base servility, but it is not worth the trouble. A man who writes a history and who has the impudence to assert_repeatedly that the Duke of Modena has restored the University of Modena to its ancient glory, when it is a fact that that Prince has actually done every thing in his power to destroy it,-that man is beneath contempt. We cannot let this occasion pass without duly praising the Antologia di Firenze for the honest courage with which it exposed this fact to the world. After the casti gation that the Modenese individual, unworthy of the name of Professor, received from the Antologia, we thought that no man would have dared to flatter publicly the Duke of Modena for the protection granted by him to the University. It appears, however, either that Mr. Lombardi can stand any attack, or that he never read the Antologia. It is scarcely necessary to say that no criticism is at all displayed by the author in this book. The work is composed merely of dates. Tiraboschi's history, of which this is published as a continuation, was thought to be faulty in this respect. Tiraboschi's only excuse was, that as he had to enter into many chronological questions which were often of the greatest importance, he could not conveniently devote more of his work to criticism. But his continuator has no excuse, since his chronology is as clear as uninteresting. We are, however, glad that he has not attempted any such thing, when we see him not ashamed of making such conceited and silly observations as the following-le donne ordinariamente, se conoscono di saper qualche cosa, trascurano gl' impieghi e gli ufizii di loro spettanza-vol. i. p. 292. We think there are men who do so: for instance, librarians, who thinking that they know something, write VOL. III.-NO. VI. Della Letterat. Ital. vol. i. p. 100. books books instead of being satisfied with keeping clear from dust those already written. The language of our historian is the very worst that we may imagine. For instance-Babitea Chaiim corresse il testo della Bibbia, LIVELLANDOLO sulle migliori edizioni. ib. p. 243. We have only one observation more to offer, which cannot be deprived of interest for an English reader. Mr. Lombardi is librarian to the Duke of Modena, at whose press this literary history was printed. The strictest censorship exists there, and nothing is published contrary to the Duke's own notions, in any matter whatever, but more particularly on politics. This Duke of Modena is married to the eldest daughter of the late King of Sardinia, and to her the rights (!)of the Stuarts to the Kingdom of England devolved at her father's death. Now the worthy librarian, speaking of Gotti, an inquisitor, who died in 1742, tells us that he was dear "to the Queen of England, Maria Caterina Sobieski." vol. i. p. 142. She was the wife of the then Pretender. Now if to the eye of Lombardi that one was Queen of England, the same he must think of the now Duchess of Modena, and with him must agree the Duchess's husband, by whose permission the book was printed. When people laugh at the Stuarts right, they might as well recollect that these rights, by having descended to a lady, married to an Austrian Prince, (by whom she has children, to whom such right will be transmitted,) are not at all worse than they were when possessed by a man who drowned his royal cares in large potations: for such was the royal daily pastime of the late Pretender. Saggio Storico sull Amministrazione finanziera dell' ex-Regno d'Italia dal 1802 al 1814, del Sr. GIUSEPPE PECCHIO 1 vol. 8vo. LONDRA, Sin con (LUGANO, Ruggia e Co. 1826-2d. edit.) "THE kingdom of Italy, as a political body, will be an imperceptible point in the general history of empires; but, in the History of Italy, it will be an event of the highest importance. A state formed out of eight different Italian provinces, or part of them, which in fourteen years is united in one single compact body, and becomes a kingdom more rich than that of Prussia under Frederic II., and equal to it in martial spirit and in number of inhabitants, is an example full of instruction and hopes for the Italians. . . . . They will learn that a national government, howsoever bad it be, is always preferable to a foreign yoke. . . . . Without independence there cannot be either comfort or happiness for a nation*." To prove his assertion, from which no Englishman can dissent, Mr. Pecchio presents us with the detailed account of the revenues and expenses of the late kingdom of Italy. The author has chosen the year 1811 as the basis of his work; as only that year the part of Tyrol, which belonged to it afterwards, was united to the kingdom of Italy; and, because that year was more free from wars than any other. The book is divided into two parts. In the first, embracing the revenue and its different sources, many interesting and instructive details are given, as well as many economical and political reasons, explaining why such were the facts. The author appears to us to reason with great impartiality, and approve and Mr. Pecchio's preface. The Kingdom of Italy contained the territories of Milan, Mantua, and Venice, and part of the Tirol, together with the Valtellina, and some parts of the Kingdom of Piedmont; the City of Guastalla, the Dukedom of Modena, the Three Legations, Bologna, Ferrara, and Ravenna, the Marca of Ancona, and the various provinces forming what is called Romagna. The Pope had contributed a large share to this kingdom; we were senseless enough to join the Continental powers in raising the prostrate skeleton. Well may our Kings call themselves Defenders of the Holy Chair, bad as their faith is in the eyes of the Popish Church. condemn condemn with very good sense and great discrimination. His facts are many and authentic, being drawn from official documents, and they are well worth the attention of the economist. The total amount of the revenue was 141,130,673liv*. The expenses for collecting it amounted to 8 p. ; and the expense for collecting a revenue which was very much like our own excise, was only 4 p. 8. We wish our government would learn something from this, since economy is now-a-days so much talked of. In the second part, the influence which the use of the revenue had upon the state of the country is considered. It is plainly proved that the nation prospered in spite of the madness of the continental system, of which Mr. Pecchio speaks with due disapprobation. He enters into many particulars of the highest interest concerning the state of agriculture, commerce, arts, and studies in the kingdom of Italy during its existence. That kingdom disappeared, when the man by whom it was founded fell victim to his insatiable ambition. A lesson has been taught by this great event to the future generations of Italy: that it is to themselves they must look for their own existence as a nation, not to any foreign aid whatsoever. Let them not forget that they paid very dearly to France for their transitory independence. Conspiration pour l'Egalité dite de Babeuf, suivie du Procès auquel elle donna lieu, et des Pièces justificatives, par PHILLIPPE BUONARROTI. 2 vols. 8vo. BRUXELLES, 1828. Of all the books lately published on the events of the French Revolution, this is by far the most extraordinary. Mr. Buonarroti was, as it appears, one of the accomplices of Babeuf in the conspiracy. The end in view was, not only the re-establishment of the constitution of 1793, but a total destruction of the right of property. It is this right, according to our author, that renders nations unhappy. It is from this right, (and it is curious that the author calls it a right) that all inequality emanates. Accordingly "Les conjurés s'étaient déterminés à adopter pour but final de leur entreprise LA PROSCRIPTION DE LA PROPRIETE INDIVIDUELLE, et ils comptaient y parvenir par la communauté des biens et des travaux."-vol. i. p. 208. The means which the conspirators intended to employ in attaining this end, would, in part, make the reader laugh, if the terrible events were not present to our minds which were produced by the proclamation of principles like those of Mr. Buonarroti. Moreover, the author takes himself good care to inform us, that no joke was meant. All the members of the two Councils, as they were called, as well as the members of the Directory, were traitors, according to Mr. Buonarroti: "Le crime était évident, la peine était la mort, un grand exemple était necessaire.”—vol. i., p. 196. The inhabitants of Paris, in a state of rebellion, were to pardon only those few whom they thought proper. And in this Mr. Buonarroti is consistent with the encomium which he passes upon Robespierre, Murat, and St. Just, and their government. These three men (?) according to their worthy panegyrist, "s'élevèrent dans le jugement du roi A LA PLUS HAUTE PHILOSOPHIE."-vol. i., p. 24. As for the blood with which they covered France, we are plainly told "c'est le but qu'il faut envisager."—ib. 50. And with this doctrine, long ago proclaimed by a celebrated order of monks, the terrorism is highly praised: if any thing, Mr. Buonarroti finds fault with that government's mildness: "Il ne tint peut-être qu'à un acte de seVERITE de plus que la cause du genre humain (!!!) ne remportât en France un triomphe complet et éternel."-ib. p. 51. * An Italian Livre, in the time of the kingdom, was equivalent to a franc, or about 10d. The conspiracy appears to have been managed with great skill, and, had it not been for a certain Grisel who betrayed his accomplices, God knows what the consequences would have been. The conspirators were arrested on the very morning destined to the execution, when 17,000 soldiers and the populace were to begin to attack the party attached to the existing government. The most remarkable feature in the management of the business is, that the plan was brought to maturity without money, and that, as we are assured by Mr. Buonarroti, the secret committee by whose direction the conspiracy was conducted, had never a larger sum than 240 francs (about 97. 108. sterl.) in their treasury. The conspirators were tried, and nine of them were found guilty, viz. Babeuf, Darthé, Buonarroti, Germain, Casin, Moroy, Blondeau, Menessier, et Borier. Fifty-six others were acquitted. Of those found guilty, the two first were condemned to death, the other seven to transportation for life. Babeuf and Darthé tried to kill themselves in court as soon as the' verdict was pronounced; but the weapons were not fit for the purpose, and they did not die by the wounds inflicted. They were both executed, and met their fate with remarkable firmness. The verdict was agreed on by thirteen jurors out of sixteen who were upon the jury. Had four jurors disagreed from the others instead of three only, the prisoners would have been acquitted. The conspirators were allowed to challenge thirty jurors. We remark these circumstances only, because Mr. Buonarroti complains bitterly that he and his associates were unfairly tried. It appears that their trial was more fairly conducted than those which his friend Robespierre approved of, and which the author would have authorized against the other party, if he had succeeded in his plans. He ought to remember, moreover, that "c'est le but qu'il faut envisager." He claims credit to himself for purity of motives in his actions, and in the end in view. Does he think that the end in view by those who did not relish "la proscription de la propriété individuelle" and Robespierre's philosophy was not as pure? When we said that this is by far the most extraordinary book lately published on the French Revolution, we were particularly alluding to the daring doctrines which the author defends and proclaims without any disguise. We should deeply regret the circulation of this book, if we should conceive that it could in any degree check the establishment of true and solid liberty throughout the world. But we think that its publication on the continent is, by itself, a proof of the rapid and steady progress which liberty makes there. The indifference with which such a work has been viewed, both by the royal government of the country where it was printed, and by the continental nations, proves beyond doubt, that the principles proclaimed by Mr. Buonarroti are entirely harmless; thanks to the improved condition of those countries and the more correct notions of true liberty which now prevail there. Odes et Ballades. Par Victor Hugo. Quatrième Edition. Paris, 1829. Deux Les Orientales. Par Victor Hugo. Paris, 1829. 1 vol. 8vo. VICTOR HUGO, both as a poet and a prose writer, belongs to that new school, of which Byron may be regarded as the founder, even in France. No contemporaneous author has perhaps been the subject of so much, and such various, criticism as Hugo. The vocabulary of satire, and that of enthusiastic praise, have both been plentifully poured forth upon him; and his name, attacked by the classical and defended by the romantic school, still remains a bone of contention between them. The war of these literary parties was raging at its highest, when Victor Hugo first appeared in the field of poetry. Great beauties and numberless defects-the sublime joined with the extravagant, and the most touching simplicity with the most fantastic ornament-were the distinguishing characteristics of the young author's first poetic essays. Rejected by the old school, he was adopted by the new, and he soon obtained for his party a succession of triumphs, which will finish by securing to him an undisputed crown. The great fault of this writer consists in the negligence, and frequently the obscurity of his style-his chief merit, is the original and sublime beauty of his ideas. His detractors are the superficial gentry, who are unwilling to earn their gratification, but prefer the pleasure which is felt without the trouble of thinking, and who reject the works of Goethe, because the meaning is not perfectly plain on the first perusal. His partisans, on the contrary, are the disciples of the German bard and of Byron, and their admiration of Victor Hugo is carried to a pitch of fanatical enthusiasm. In this, as in most cases, truth will be found in the middle path and while we must admit, with the classical party, that the poet's writings are not absolutely irreproachable, it cannot be denied that none among the productions of our century are more distinguished by true poetic fire. The public taste revolted against his pieces Sur la Vendée, Sur Quiberon, and Sur les Vierges de Verdun, wherein a violent hate against the revolution and a fanatic worship of the ancien régime burst forth at every page. The poet became sensible of his fault and corrected it. In the Ode à la Colonne à la Place Vendome, which is inserted for the first time in the just published edition of his ballads, he shows that he no longer devotes his lyre to the terrible catastrophes of a period fertile in crimes of every kind. The co-existence of extravagance and grace, of the sublime and the ridiculous, of poetic harmony, and the most glaring incorrectness of diction, is in all his poems equally unaccountable. Would it be believed that the same author had written the two. following passages which are extracted from the Cromwell of Victor Hugo? "But the thing is sooner said than done, "Think on your fond mother; she, Alas! beholds your greatness: its uncertainty Afflicts her age; a thousand anxious fears Have swiftlier led her to the tomb than years. You strive with dangers, and she counts them all Her eye, in your ascent, was measuring your fall!" The first extract is mere prose, and that of the commonest kind-the second is poetry, and poetry, which as our neighbours would say, est digne de Racine. The last thought is strikingly beautiful. La Chauvesouris and. Le Cochemar present some unpardonable aberrations of the fancy, which are the more remarkable from their contrast with the graceful tenderness found! in Le Sylphe and La Grandmère; the lyrical elevation of the ode entitled Les Deux Iles and the simple and melodious beauty of the stanzas A une Jeune Fille, whom the poet counsels to enjoy her childish happiness and not to envy the occupations of a more advanced and troubled period of life. This little piece we have extracted. To a Female Child. "Thou, who know'st not the charms that thy childhood surround, O envy not, dear one! our sorrowful years, When the heart is, by turns, or rebellious or bound, And often the smile is more sad than thy tears! Thy |