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not be tolerated by the English, consistently with good faith towards Spain. Torrijos was under the necessity of selecting some other place for his head quarters; and he resolved to proceed to Algiers. He set sail from Gibraltar in November, with his companions, fifty three in all. Instead of proceeding to Africa, they suffered themselves to be decoyed into the bay of Malaga by false assurances of a disposition on the part of the garrison to raise the constitutional flag, and were compelled, after they had disembarked, to surrender, — tried by a court martial, -and condemned to be shot,--without having struck a blow, or produced the slightest movement among the people. These misguided and unfortunate men were many of them patriots deserving of a better destiny. Beside Torrijos, himself a general officer of the highest distinction, there were Don Manuel Flores Calderon, President of the Cortes in 1823,– Don Francisco Fernandez Golfin, also an eminent member of the Cortes, - Don Juan Lopez Pinto, a colonel of artillery, - and Robert Boyd, a young Irish gentleman of good family. Their lives were idly sacrificed in a wild and hopeless undertaking.

As in Catalonia, Navarre, and Biscay, so also in Andalusia, whatever dissatisfaction the people might feel towards Ferdinand, they were evidently determined not to rush into the hazards of a new revolution, without more certain grounds of success, than the existing state of affairs in the Kingdom afforded. The emigrants appear to have been strangely ignorant of the fact, that there was no revolutionary party in Spain. Miscalculating the effect, which the French Revolution was to have in the Peninsula, Torrijos and Valdez seem to have imagined that they had only to show themselves, and patriot armies were to rise up at their

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bidding But they mistook both their own consequence, and the feelings of the nation, in supposing it so easy to shake the throne of Ferdinand. Nothing has occurred, since that period, to encourage the expectation of any material change having been effected in the government of Spain by the events of July. The decided check given to the apostolic party by the influence of Maria Cristina, and by the desire of Ferdinand to secure the succession to his daughter in exclusion of Carlos, has, to be sure, led to the exile of Calomarde and of Don Carlos, and the elevation of more liberal-minded men to power; but these incidents have no pa iclar connexion with the Revolution of the Three Days.


The Swiss Confederacy.-- Constitution of the old Re

public.-Its Evils and Abuses.—The French Revolution. -Act of Mediation.-Compact of 1814.-Its Public Law. -Example of Berne.-Other Cantons.–Foreign Interference. -Capitulations.-Movement in Tessino.- In other Cantons.-Hostilities in Bâle.-Constitution of Berne. Of other Cantons.-State of Schwytz.--Proceedings of the Diet.-Neufchâtel. Conclusion.

Since the Three Days, events have transpired in Switzerland, which, if they do not affect the condition of so large a population as the revolutionary movements in France, the Netherlands, and Poland, are intrinsically of considerable interest and importance, in the political history of our times. The condition of Switzerland, as a federal Republic, renders the incidents in question

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peculiarly deserving of attention in America, from the analogy, in many points, between the institutions of the two countries. To understand the nature of the changes lately effected in the heart of the Helvetian mountains, it is necessary to take a political retrospect of the origin, and successive combinations, of the political rights of the confederated Cantons.

The primitive confederation was composed of the three Forest Cantons so called, Schwytz, Uri, and Unterwalden, which possess, even in our day, only a population of seventy thousand inhabitants. It was this handful of heroic mountaineers, which undertook to resist the powerful House of Augtria, and which for twenty years maintained the contest for independence unaided and alone. Fifteen years after the great victory of Mongarten elapsed, before_Lucerne was received into the confederacy. Zurich, Glaris, Zug, and finally Berne followed. These eight cantons, by their persevering love of liberty, and by a succession of splendid victories, signalized the name of Switzerland during the fourteenth century, and at last compelled Austria to desist from asserting her pretensions by force of arms, although it was not until the peace of Westphalia, three centuries later, that she formally recognized the national independence of the Cantons.

Thus passed the fourteenth century. During the fifteenth, the new Republic acquired strength, consistency, and allies, and began to act upon the affairs of Europe. It was at this period that the Swiss sustained their memorable contest with Charles the Rash, terminated by the battle of Morat, so fatal to the chivalry of Burgundy and Flanders. After this, Soleure, breaking loose from the German Empire, and Friburg shaking off the authority of the Dukes of Savoy, entered

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the confederacy under the protection of Berne. Next Bâle and Schaffhausen joined the family of hardy republicans; and at length, in 1513, Appenzell became the thirteenth Canton, and completed the frame of the Swiss Republic as chiefly known to history. Many divisions, intestine wars, and religious disputes occurred meanwhile, which served to keep alive and confirm the military spirit of the people. Their poverty and martial temper conspired to induce those military capitulations, the first of which was concluded with France in 1479, which introduced them into the Italian wars in the capacity of mercenary auxiliaries of some foreign power, and ended in their continual employment as household troops in the service of France.

Wars of religion, intestine convulsions growing out of conflicting political pretensions, and not unfrequent connexion with or participation in the hostilities of neighboring nations, occupied the Swiss during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, but not so as to prevent the general prosperity of the Republic, which gathered one increment after another from time to time. And thus matters continued down to the period of the French Revolution, which acted upon the internal condition of Switzerland not less decisively than upon that of France itself. The constitution of the Republic had now acquired full developement from the gradual progress of events; but that developement gave intensity and diffusiveness to various abuses, equally unbearable with those of countries, which were destitute alike of the claim to freedom, and of the glorious historical recollections, which hallowed the name of Switzerland. Equality of political rights, consistency of republican principle, just and equitable administration of government, all these




scarcely better established and understood in the land of William Tell than among the neighboring monarchies.

Switzerland, at the close of the eighteenth century, consisted of the thirteen sovereign Cantons, and of various other political bodies connected in different ways with the Republic. Some were in alliance with it or its members, others were its subjects. The Valais was the only ally of the whole thirteen Cantons. Geneva, on the other hand, was the ally only of Berne and Zurich, to which it was attached by community of religious faith. The allied cities or communities had the right of sending deputies to the Diet; but they had no voice except in what concerned their

particular alliances. As for the subjects of the Republic, they were ruled with a sterner authority than individual princes would have ventured to exercise over the people of their hereditary domains. The Italian bailiwicks, so called, were especially the objects of extreme tyranny and misrule. And while the connexion of the allied communities with the Republic partook so little of the nature of a national federative union, and the situation of the dependencies of the Republic was so abhorrent to all the doctrines of liberty, the picture presented by the sovereign Cantons themselves did no credit to their form of government.

Viewing the great members of the Republic with reference to each other, it would be seen that they lived in a state of hostility among themselves, almost of anarchy. Separated by their religious opinions, by diversity of interests, by variance in political principles, they presented a favorable theatre for foreign diplomacy, while the Diets had little power, and scarcely the will, to draw closer the bands of confederacy. Discona

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