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FROM THE LONDON CHRONICLE, MARCH 9, 1783. The humble and dutiful declaration and address of his majesty's American loyalists, to the king's most excellent majesty, to bath houses of parliament and the people of Great Britain.

BALTIMORE, November 15, 1781. The address of the citizens of Baltimore to the honora ble major general, the marquis de la Fayette. It is with peculiar satisfaction that the citizens of Baltimore embrace the present moment, to express a gratitude which they will always owe to We, his majesty's most dutiful and faithful sub. major general the marquis de la Fayette; and to jects, the loyal inhabitants of America, who have congratulate him, personally, on the late important happily got within the protection of the British events in Virginia and South Carolina, so glorious forces, as well as those who, though too wise not and consequential to America. to have foreseen the fatal tendency of the present

Among the first in our cause, you early found a wanton and causeless rebellion, yet, from numberway to our affections, with him, who has struggled less obstacles, and unexampled severities, have with our various difficulties since their beginning. hitherto been compelled to remain under the At a time when we had no ally, you were our tyranny of the rebels, and submit to the measures friend; and when we gained an ally, your presence of congressional usurpation; animated with the and good offices could not but increase a cordiality purest principles of duty and allegiance to his mawhich must render our union with France per-jesty and the British parliament, beg leave, with the deepest humility and reverence, on the present calamitous occasion of public and national misfortune, in the surrender of lord Cornwallis, and

manent.

In particular, we cannot sufficiently acknowledge our sense of your late campaign in Virginia, where, with a few regulars and militia, you opposed the British commander, from whose large army, and military talents, this state had such serious cause of apprehension.

These things, sir, have rendered you dear to us, and we feel the highest gratification in seeing, once more, in our town, the man who will always hold a first place in our hearts.

BALTIMORE, 5th November, 1781. The answer of major general de la Fayette to the

address from the citizens of Baltimore.

In the affectionate attentions of the citizens of a free town, I would find a reward for the services

the army under his lordship's command, at York.

Town, humbly to entreat that your majesty, and the parliament, would be graciously pleased to permit us to offer this renewed testimony of loyalty and attachment to our most gracious sovereign, and the British nation and government; and thus publicly to repeat our most heart-felt acknowledg. ments for the infinite obligations we feel ourselves under for the heavy expenses that have been incurred, and the great national exertions that have been made, to save and rescue us, and your American colonies, from impending ruin, and the accumulated distresses and calamities of civil war. For such distinguished proofs of national ease and adequate return which our hearts, replete with the regard, we confess ourselves unable to make that most dutiful and grateful sensations, most willingly offer, but which we have not words sufficient to I participate with you in the glorious events express. Our sufferings as men, and our duty as that have taken place under his excellency gene- loyal subjects, point out to us at once, the proral Washington's immediate command, and under priety, in our present situation, of thus publicly general Greene. I enjoy the effects these will have repeating our assurances, that we revere, with a on the success of our noble cause, and particularly kind of holy enthusiasm, the ancient constitution the advantages which they will afford to this state. of the American colonies; and that we cannot but lament every event, and be anxiously solicitous to The time when I had the honor to command the remove every cause or suspicion, that might have army in Virginia, which you are pleased so politely the most distant tendency to separate the two to mention, has only shewn that the courage and countries, or in any remote degree to lessen the fortitude of American troops are superior to every claim we have to the present aid and continued kind of difficulty. exertions of Great Britain; especially if it should

of a whole life. The honor to have been among the first American soldiers, is for me a source of the greatest happiness.

My campaign began with a personal obligation arise from any misrepresentation or distrust, either to the inhabitants of Baltimore; at the end of it I of our fidelity or numbers, to entitle us to the future find myself bound to them by a new tie of everlast countenance and protection of that sovereign and ing gratitude. nation, whose government and laws, we call God

LA FAYETTE.

to witness, that, in the integrity of our souls, we ton, Rhode Island, Philadelphia, Portsmouth, Norprefer to all others. The local prejudices of birth folk, in Virginia, Wilmington, in North Carolina, and education, and the weight of past and hoppy &c. &c. and then evacuating them, whereby many experience, conspire together to render, in our thousand inhabitants have been involved in the breasts, most sacred and inestimable, our rela. greatest wretchedness, is another substantial reation to British subjects and British laws. We son why more loyalists have not enlisted into his deem it more valuable than life itself, and under majesty's service, or openly espoused and attached the most trying circumstances, have invariably themselves to the royal cause; yet, notwithstanding resolved, in defiance of every hazard, to assert our all these discouraging circumstances, there are rights; and, as far as in our power, in opposition many more men in his majesty's provincial regiments, to every other state and kingdom in the world, to than there are in the continental service. Hence it adhere to the nation and country from which we cannot be doubted but that there are more loyalists sprung; and to which, with honest pride and in America than there are rebels; and also, that gratitude, we acknowledge that we owe both our natural and political existence.

their zeal must be greater, or so many would not have enlisted into the provincial service, under such very unequal circumstances. Other reasons Unhappy, indeed, for ourselves, and we cannot but think unfortunately too for Great Britain, the might be enumerated, why many more have not number of well affected inhabitants in America to enlisted into his majesty's provincial service, if we the parent country, cannot, for obvious reasons, be were not prevented from it by motives of delicacy exactly ascertained. But there are facts from and tenderness to the character of the person to whose management the business of that department which the most undoubted and undeniable conclusions may be inferred, and to which, for want of was principally committed. other evidence, we must recur, resting our appeal upon such proofs to the unerring and unbiassed decision of truth and candour.

The penalty under which any American subject enlists into his majesty's service, is no less than the immediate forfeiture of all his goods and chattels, lands and tenements; and if apprehended, and con

We also infer from the small number of militis collected by general Greene, the most popular and able general in the service of congress, in the long circuitous march he took through many of the most populous, and confessedly the most rebellious counties in that country, that there must be a vast majority of loyalists in that part of America, as well as elsevioted by the rebels, of having enlisted, or prevail- where. The presumption becomes stronger, from ed on any other person to enlist into his majesty's a consideration of the well known seduction and service, it is considered as treason, and punished compulsion which were made use of by the rebel with death: Whereas, no forfeiture is incurred, generals, and other officers, in order to embody the militia, as well as from the manner in which or penalty annexed, to his entering into the serthe militia are there mentioned by general Greene, vice of congress; but, on the contrary, his property in his public despatches in the course of one is secured, and himself rewarded. month. In that of the 10th of March, he says.-"Our In the former case, he withdraws himself from militia have been upon such loose and uncertain his family and relations, without any possibility of footing, ever since we crossed the Dan, that I receiving any assistance from, or affording any could attempt nothing with confidence." In his relief to either. In the latter, he is subject to no next of the 16th, in giving his account of twe such peculiar self-denials, and real distresses.brigades of militia, consisting of three captains, The embodying provincial corps in New-York, ten subalterns, and 561 rank and file, he returns and sending them on service to Savannah-or in two captains, nine subalterns, and 592 rank and Philadelphia, and ordering them to Pensacola, file missing, besides one regiment, of which he when they might be more usefully employed in could get no return, and adds, "those missing are the province where they were raised: the drafting supposed to bave gone home." According to the troops from the corps, and from under the com- report of the generals and field officers, very few mand of officers with whom they enlisted, to form were killed or taken; most of them having throwa new corps, and to give a command to other officers, away their arms, and abandoned the field early in are all measures which have had their discouraging the action. In that of the 30th, he writes, "that effects on the recruiting service. nothing but blood and slaughter have prevailed The desultory manner also in which the war has among the whigs and tories; and their inveteracy been carried on, by first taking possession of Bos- against each other must, if it continues, depopulate

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this part of the country." Surely, whole brigades party, some time ago, under the command of one throwing away their arms, and returning home, Bunnion, went from Long Island to Connecticut, and all that sort of conduct, must carry with it and there surprised and took prisoner a rebel the most presumptive evidence, not only of their major general, named Silliman, and sevearl other disaffection to the measures of congress, but of officers. their loyalty and attachment to his majesty, and A party of militia also not long ago went from the British nation and government; especially if Wilmington, in North Carolina, 60 or 70 miles you take into the account this well known fact, into the country, and took major general Ashe, that the rebels have recruited the continental ar with two or three field officers, and some other my, and in all instances assembled the militia, by persons, and brought them prisoners to his madeceiving some, terrifying many, and driving more, jesty's garrison at Wilmington. Another party of to assist in their military operations. On the con-militia lately went near 200 miles up into the trary, the service of the loyalists has in all cases country from Wilmington, to a place called Hillsbeen ready and voluntary; and in many unsolicited, borough, and with a body of 6 or 700 militia, and in some unnoticed, if not rejected.

If it should be said, if such is the number and disposition of the loyalists in America, how comes it to pass that they have not been of more importance to his majesty's service? We answer, might it not with equal propriety be enquired, why his majesty's forces have not more fully answered the just expectations of the nation? And might not the question with greater propriety be put to his majesty's commanders in America? A due deference to whom, we trust, will be thought the most decent apology for our waving the mention of many more of the true and undenia

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attacked a party of rebel troops, who were there as a guard to the rebel legislature, then sitting at that place, and took the rebel governor, Mr. Burke, several of his council, 11 continental offi. and about 120 of the troops prisoners, whom the militia delivered to major Craig, who com manded the king's troops at Wilmington. Other more voluntary alerts, preformed by the loyalists in South Carolina and elsewhere, might be mentioned without number. Surely such are not timid friends! We defy the most incredulous opposer of American loyalty, as well as the most determined advocate for congressional usurpation, to point out a single instance wherein the like has been done, or attempted by the rebel militia; or that they have in any instance voluntarily assembled in such numbers, or attempted any military achievements whatever, without the express orders and coercion of their tyrannical rulers.

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ble causes which we have it in our power to assign. And permit us to add, that it is only from modesty, and a wish to avoid both the appearance and imputation of selfish ostentation, that we decline entering into a particular enumeration of such proofs of allegiance and fidelity, from the conduct and sufferings of American loyalists, as have never The establishing civil government, and forming been equalled by any people, in any age, or in any a militia in a colony as soon as the rebel army is country. We cannot, however, refrain from hinting drove out of it, is the best measure that can be at some incontestible advantages the loyalists have adopted to make the loyal inhabitants importantly been of, in affording supplies to the royal army, useful to the king's interest. It is the highest by acting as guides and pilots, and (inde- political absurdity that ever was thought of, to pendent of those employed in the provincial line) imagine that a colony is to be retained, and the as militia and partizan troops. As corps of Refu- peace and good order of government restored by gees, they have been too often distinguished by the force of arms and martial law, and that too the zeal and gallantry of their behavior, to need without the partial aid and concurrence of its the mention of any particular instance; if they did, inhabitants. And it is equally preposterous to exwe might refer to the affair of the Block-house, pect that aid and concurrence, without some opposite Fort Knyphausen, where captain Ward, regard is paid to the prejudices and, inclinations with about 70 Refugees, withstood and repulsed of the people. They should be treated with the attack of general Wayne, at the head of three confidence and honored with notice, by being chosen brigades of continentals. As a militia, appointed to all offices of civil government. The acting by themselves (for we take no notice of protecting authority and persuasive influence of the many thousands that, at different times, par- which is the only measure that can extend to, and ticularly in Georgia and South Carolina, have connect the people of a British province in one attached themselves to the royal army) a small common interest and voluntary submission. A

province, thus restored to the influence of civil and must continue to be, from the mutual wants government, and the exertions of the militia, the and supplies of each other, it would be folly to natural force of the country, the royal army might imagine, but that many of the inhabitants of Queproceed to the next, ever keeping the rebel forces bec, and the Islands, would, from various moin front. Thus, province after province might and tives, and with different views, under such cir would be speedily reclaimed, to their former happy cumstances, contribute in some measure towards and most eligible situation of British subjects.

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facilitating their own reduction, and hastening the surrender to some other power. If Great Britain The policy of prosecuting the American war is can maintain a naval superiority in the Ameri strikingly abvious for more reasons, but particularly can seas, the continent, with proper conduct, is as it affords the most encouraging hope that can undoubtedly retainable. If she cannot, her insular possibly be held out to his majesty loyalists to possessions in America are still less tenable than persevere in their principles and exertions, at the her continental; for this plain reason, that the same time that it affords a number of safe ports to former are more assailable by naval force than the royal navy during the war. It is also political, the latter. Consequently, the prosecution of the in order to prevent vast numbers of distressed peo-American war with magnanimity and vigour ap. ple from going to England, and throwing them- pears to us the best, if not the only measure for selves and families, helpless and ruined, upon na-re-animating his majesty's loyalists in America, to tional bounty for maintenance and support. It is a strenuous exertion of their most distinguished humane and just, from a consideration of the endeavors, for discouraging the efforts of the rebels repeated declarations that have been made, that for dispiriting the hostile powers of Europe, and "it was the gracious and firm resolution of his ma- for maintaining the dignity, and preserving the jesty and the British nation to persevere, in every exterior territories of the British nation and emjust and necessary measure, for the redemption of his majesty's faithful American subjects from the tyranny and oppression of congress, and restoring Relying with the fullest confidence upon na them to the protection and benefit of British laws." tional justice and compassion to our fidelity and The importance the possession of some part, if not distresses, we can entertain no doubts but that the whole of the revolted colonies, must be of, as Great Britain will prevent the ruin of her Amerian asylum for loyalists, as well as the weight it can friends, at every risk short of certain destruc would be of in fixing the preliminary articles, tion to herself. But if compelled, by adversity of and influencing the definitive treaty, whenever misfortune, from the wicked and pefidious com such an event should take place, strongly enforces binations and designs of numerous and powerful the political propriety and necessity of the Ameri- enemies abroad, and more criminal and dangerous Can war. It also appears to be a political and neces- enemies at home, an idea should be formed by sary measure, in order to detain the rebel forces Great Britain of relinquishing her American coloin the revolted colonies; for there can be to doubt, nies to the usurpation of congress, we thus solemnly if his majesty's troops were withdrawn from thence, call God to witness, that we think the colonies but their views and operations would be imme. can never be so happy or so free as in a constitudiately turned towards the province of Quebec to tional connexion with, and dependence on Great the northward, and the British West-India islands Britain; convinced, as we are, that to be a British to the southward, and when the contiguity of the subject, with all its consequences, is to be the one, and the proximity of the others to the revolted happiest and freest member of any civil society colonies is considered, it is not improbable to sup in the known world-we, therefore, in justice to pose, from the connexion now subsisting between our members, in duty to ourselves, and in fidelity America and France, Spain and Holland, but that, to our posterity, must not, cannot refrain from by the united forces of those powers in those making this public declaration and appeal to the adjacent islands, co operating with the Americans, faithful subjects of every government, and the that the British islands must be immediately taken; compassionate sovereign of every people, in every and that all the continental possessions of Great nation and kingdom of the world, that our princi Britain would soon after be irrecoverably lost. If ples are the principles of the virtuous and free; we take into our view the effect the evacuation of that our sufferings are the sufferings of unprotected America must have upon the minds of people, loyalty, and persecuted fidelity; that our cause is and the unavoidable intercourse there has been, the cause of legal and constitutional government,

throughout the world; that, opposed by principles any power in Europe, to the mortifying debasement of republicanism, and convinced, from recent ob- of a state of slavery, and a life of insult, under the servation, that brutal violence, merciless severity, tyranny of congressional usurpation.

relentless cruelty, and discretionary outrages are the distinguished traits and ruling principles of

BALTIMORE, July 30, 1782.

town, waited upon his excellency COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU, and presented him the following address, expressing their grateful sentiments of his very polite attention to their request for protection of the trade, &c.

To his excellency the COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU, Commander in chief of the auxillary troops of his most Christian majesty, in the United States.

the present system of congressional republicanism, Yesterday a deputation of the merchants of this our aversion is unconquerable, irreconcileable.That we are attached to monarchical government, from past and happy experience-by duty, and by choice. That, to oppose insurrections, and to listen to the requests of people so circumstanced as we are, is the common interest of all mankind in civil society. That to support, our rights, is to support the rights of every subject of legal government; and that to afford us relief, is at once We, the merchants of the town of Baltimore, the duty and security of every prince and sovereign impressed with a grateful sense of the important on earth. Our appeal, therefore, is just; and our services rendered by your excellency, and the claim to aid and assistance is extensive and gallant forces under your command, to the United universal. But if, reflecting on the uncertain events States, and more particularly to the state of Maryof war, and sinking under the gloomy prospect of land, beg leave to wait upon your excellency, and public affairs, from the divisions and contests un-return you our most sincere thanks, in this public happily existing in the great councils of the na-manner, for the distinguished aid and protection, tion, any apprehensions should have been excited which you have, from time to time, so willingly in our breasts with respect to the issue of the afforded to the commercial interests of this state, American war, we humbly hope it cannot, even by and to inform your excellency, that we are happy. the most illiberal, be imputed to us as an abate- in the opportunity of paying you this tribute, so ment of our unshaken loyalty to our most gracious justly due to distinguished merit. sovereign, or of our unalterable predilection in And, permit us, sir, on this occasion, to observe, favor of the British nation and government, whom that when the distresses of this country rendered may God long protect and preserve, if, in conse. an application to the French nation for assistance quence thereof, we thus humbly implore that your majesty, and the parliament, would be graciously necessary, the wisdom of your sovereign pointed out your excellency as the grand instrument to pleased, in the tenderness of our fears, and in pity assist in our salvation; and, with gratitude, we to our distresses, to solicit, by your ambassadors at the courts of foreign sovereigns, the aid of such remark, that the objects of your appointment have powerful and good allies, as to your majesty and been fully answered, and the events that have taken place, since your happy arrival in America, parliament, in your great wisdom and discretion, and in which you acted so distinguished a part, fully may seem meet. Or if such a measure should in any manner be thought incompatible with the evince the propriety of your sovereign's choice, and the magnanimity of his intentions towards us-for dignity and interest of our sovereign and the nation, we most humbly and ardently supplicate and we have seen a British army, numerous and well entreat, that, by deputies or ambassadors, nominat-appointed, become prisoners of war to the united ed and appointed by your majesty's suffering American loyalists, they may be permitted to solicit and obtain from other nations that interference, aid and alliance, which, by the blessing of Almighty God, may, in the last fatal and ultimate extreme, save and deliver us, his majesty's American loyalists, who, we maintain, in every one of the colonies, compose a great majority of the inhabitants, and those too the first in point of opulence and consequence, from the ruinous system of congressional And we beg leave also, amidst the general joy independence and republican tyranny, detesting diffused by th birth of a Dauphin of France, to rebellion as we do, and preferring a subjection to congratulate your exceliency on that auspicious

exertions of the combined armies of France and America-an event that was considerably accelerated by the great experience and military talents of your excellency, and the valor of the officers and soldiers under your command, and which, we trust, will tend eventually to the establishment of the rights and liberties of this country, the purposes for which you have so generously drawn your sword.

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