XXIV. 1792. BOOK this country acknowledged by all Europe in the case of Cromwell? Gentlemen should recollect that it was once fashionable to talk of a 'vagrant Congress,' of one Hancock' and one Adams' and their crew.' But surely the folly of this language has been sufficiently proved. Could it be forgotten that Dr. Franklin, after suffering the grossest abuse, was the very person with whom we were compelled to negotiate? sooner or later we must acknowledge the republic of France. Where then is the difficulty of acknowledging it now?" He then moved an amendment," beseech. ing his majesty to employ every means of negotia tion consistent with the honor and safety of this country, to avert the calamities of war."-The motion was opposed by Mr. Burke in a frantic speech, in which he affirmed " that to send an ambassador to France would be the prelude to the murder of our sovereign. The republic of France he pro nounced to be sui generis, bearing no analogy to any other that ever existed in the world, and this was a reason why we should not acknowledge it, With the Rights of Man in one hand, like Mahomet with his Koran, and a sword in the other, it knew no medium between proselytism and mur, der." In conclusion, Mr. Burke hazarded the extraordinary opinion, "that it was superfluous to discuss the justice or the policy of maintaining peace with France, for that the two nations were XXIV. 1792. actually in a state of war, and the question in dis- BOOK pute was already decided."-Mr. Pitt was not at this time a member of the house, having vacated his seat by the acceptance of the lucrative sinecure of the Cinque Ports, void by the death of the earl of Guildford, once so famous under the title of lord North. In the absence of the minister, Mr. Secretary Dundas entered into a long and elaborate vindi. cation of the measures of administration; and he concluded with a confident prediction, that "if we were forced into a war, it MUST prove SUCCESSFUL and GLORIOUS." This declaration would no doubt have amazed so shallow a politician as the cardinal Richelieu, who formed a very different judgment of the immense strength and resources of the Gallic empire, when he affirmed, as the abbé Brotier informs us, "that France was able to raise 600,000 foot, and 150,000 horse, and to go to war with them in a fortnight." And mareschal Lasci, a military authority equal at least to Mr. Dundas, repeatedly declared to M. Bouillé his opinion, that a war was not to be entered hastily into with France; the resources of which country, he observed, were immense, and their frontier impenetrable. The amendment was negatived without a division. Not discouraged at the ill success of these at- Interesting tempts, Mr. Fox, on the 15th of December, moved, Mr. Fox's debate on XXIV. motion for BOOK at the close of a speech, which only served to demonstrate how incompetent are the utmost 1792. efforts of human wisdom to work conviction in a negotia- minds distempered by prejudice and passion, "that a minister be sent to Paris to treat with those persons who exercise provisionally the executive government of France.* This (he said) tion with France. strik * Human nature, as exhibited in the writings of the cele brated historians of antiquity, presents to us an exact and faithful picture of what it now is, and ever shall be, world without end.-Immediately previous to the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, so famous and so fatal in the annals of Greece, it was debated, as Thucydides informs us, in the Spartan councils, whether measures of conciliation and pacifi cation should not first be tried in respect to the Athenians, who had by their restless ambition and arrogance given just and general cause of offence to the neighbouring states. Archidamus king of Sparta, who united long experience to profound wisdom, made use on this occasion of arguments ingly analogous to those urged in the British parliament by Mr. Fox, to dissuade the Lacedæmonians from precipitately involving themselves in a quarrel so desperate and dreadful. "People of Lacedæmon, (said he) I have been witness of many wars, as have also several amongst you; and am for that very reason but the more disposed to fear for the event of that you are about to undertake.-You are going to attack a country formidable from the number of its soldiers and its ships, and rich in its productions and resources.—What is to inspire you with this confidence?-Is it the project of ravag ing the plains of Attica, and of terminating this mighty quar rel in one campaign? Alas! how much do I dread that we shall be compelled to leave this war as a wretched inheritance to our children! The hostilities of cities and individuals are XXIV. implied neither approbation nor disapprobation of BOOK the conduct of the existing French government. 1792. transient; but when war is once enkindled between two powerful states, it is as difficult to foresee the consequences as to extricate ourselves with honor.-I am not of opinion that we should abandon our allies to oppression: I only say, that, previous to our taking arms, we should send ambassadors to the Athenians and open a negotiation. They have just proposed to us this mode, and it were injustice to refuse it. The slowness imputed to the Lacedæmonians has always constituted our security. Never have praises or reproaches excited us to rash enterprises. We have not the ability by eloquent harangues to depreciate the power of our enemies. To enable us to conquer, we must guard against their prudence as well as their valor, and reckon less upon their errors than on the wisdom of our own precautions. We maintain the equality of men, and that he only can be regarded as superior who on critical exigencies conducts himself with the most prudence and wisdom. Let us not now deviate from the maxims we have received from our fathers, and which have hitherto preserved this state.-Deliberate at leisure. Let not a single moment decide on your properties, your glory, the blood of so many citi zens, and the destiny of so many nations."-This speech produced, as we are told, a sensible effect upon the assembly; when one of the ephori, by name Sthenelaidas-the BURKE, we may presume, of his age and nation-immediately rose and pronounced a vehement rhapsody in favor of an instant declaration of war. Disdainfully rejecting all advances to negotia tion, he declared, "that the question was not concerning speeches and discussions; for (said he) it is not by words that our allies have been injured. The most speedy vengeance alone can now befit the dignity of Sparta. And let it not be said that we should deliberate after receiving an INSULT: our enemies should have deliberated before they insulted us. Give BOOK It was the policy and the practice of every nation XXIV. to treat with the existing government of every 1792. other nation with which it had relative interests, without enquiring how that government was constituted, or by what means it acquired possession of power. Was the existing government of Morocco more respectable than that of France? Yet we had more than once sent embassies thither, to men reeking from the blood through which they had waded to their thrones. We had ministers at the German courts, at the time of the infamous partition of Poland. We had a minister at Ver sailles when Corsica was bought and enslaved. But in none of these instances was any sanction given directly or indirectly by Great Britain to these nefarious transactions."-Mr. Fox acknowledged, that it would have been better if what he now proposed had been done sooner; and far better yet had lord Gower never been recalled from Paris. The present measure was, however, your voices then for WAR, Oh Lacedæmonians! and at length prescribe some limits to the injustice and ambition of the Athenians. Let us march, secure of the protection of the Gods, against these invaders of liberty !" The opinion of the king was supported by a minority of the assembly, but the plurality of voices decided peremptorily for war. And thus it is that in all ages and in all countries the dictates of wisdom and moderation are overborne, and the peace and happiness of nations sacrificed to the suggestions of passion or caprice, the fumes of enthusiasm, or the artifices of ambition. |