he wrote it when young, and at the command of his superiors. (1) It is neither the licentiousness of the writer, nor the evil propensities of the reader, which have given to the Decameron alone, of all the works of Boccaccio, a perpetual popularity. The establishment of a new and delightful dialect conferred an immortality on the works in which it was first fixed. The Sonnets of Petrarch were, for the same reason, fated to survive his self-admired Africa, the "favourite of Angs. The invariable traits of nature and feeling with which the novels, as well as the verses, abound, hare doubtless been the chief source of the foreign celebrity of both authors; but Boccaccio, as a man, is no more to be estimated by that work, than Petrarch is to be regarded in no other light than as the lover of Laura. Even, however, had the father of the Tuscan prose been known only as the author of the Decameron, a considerate writer would have been rautious to pronounce a sentence irreconcilable with the unerring voice of many ages and nations. An irrevocable value has never been stamped upon any work solely recommended by impurity.

The true source of the outcry against Boccaccio, which began at a very early period, was the choice of his scandalous personages in the cloisters as well as the courts; but the princes only laughed at the callaut adventures so unjustly charged upon queen Thodelinda, whilst the priesthood cried shame upon the debauches drawn from the convent and the herastage; and most probably for the opposite reason, andy, that the picture was faithful to the life. Two of the novels are allowed to be facts usefully turned | into tales, to deride the canonisation of rogues and laymen. Ser Ciappelletto and Marcellinus are cited with applause even by the decent Muratori. (2) The great Arnauld, as he is quoted in Bayle, states, that a new edition of the novels was proposed, of which The expurgation consisted in omitting the words *monk” and “nun,” and tacking the immoralities to ther names. The literary history of Italy particulares no such edition; but it was not long before the whole of Europe had but one opinion of the Decame re; and the absolution of the author seems to have been a point settled at least a hundred years ago: *On se feroit siffler si l'on prétendoit convaincre Borace de n'avoir pas été honnête homme, parce qu'il fait le Décameron." So said one of the best men, and perhaps the best critic, that ever lived--the very martyr to impartiality. (3) But as this information, that in the beginning of the last century one would ae been hooted at for pretending that Boccaccio was not a good man, may seem to come from one of enemies who are to be suspected, even when hey make us a present of truth, a more acceptable trast with the proscription of the body, soul, and use of Boccaccio may be found in a few words from de virtuous, the patriotic contemporary, who thought of the tales of this impure writer worthy a Lot version from his own pen. "I have remarked

"Non enim ubique est, qui in excusationem meam gens dicat, juvenis scripsit, et majoris coactus imThe letter was addressed to Maghinard of Caval. marshal of the kingdom of Sicily. See Tiraboschi, "4, etc. tom. v. par. ii. lib. iii. pag. 525. ed. Ven. 1795. · Dissertazioni sopra le Antichità Italiane, diss. Iviii. . tom. iii. edit. Milan, 1751.

4 Eclaircissement, etc. etc. p. 639. edit. Basle, 1741, Supplement to Bayle's Dictionary.

elsewhere," says Petrarch, writing to Boccaccio, "that the book itself has been worried by certain dogs, but stoutly defended by your staff and voice. Nor was I astonished, for I have had proof of the vigour of your mind, and I know you have fallen on that unaccommodating incapable race of mortals, who, whatever they either like not, or know not, or cannot do, are sure to reprehend in others; and on those occasions only put on a show of learning and eloquence, but otherwise are entirely dumb." (4)

It is satisfactory to find that all the priesthood do not resemble those of Certaldo, and that one of them who did not possess the bones of Boccaccio would not lose the opportunity of raising a cenotaph to his memory. Bevius, canon of Padua, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, erected at Arquà, opposite to the tomb of the Laureate, a tablet, in which he associated Boccaccio to the equal honours of Dante and of Petrarch.

XXII.

THE MEDICI.

"Ihat is her pyramid of precious stones?”

Stanza Ix. line 1.

The

Our veneration for the Medici begins with Cosmo, and expires with his grandson; that stream is pure only at the source; and it is in search of some memorial of the virtuous republicans of the family that we visit the church of San Lorenzo at Florence. tawdry, glaring, unfinished chapel in that church,' designed for the mausoleum of the Dukes of Tuscany, set round with crowns and coffins, gives birth to no emotions but those of contempt for the lavish vanity of a race of despots, whilst the pavement slab, simply inscribed to the Father of his country, reconciles us to the name of Medici. (5) It was very natural for Corinua (6) to suppose that the statue raised to the Duke of Urbino in the cappella de' depositi was intended for his great namesake; but the magnificent Lorenzo is only the sharer of a coffin half hidden in a niche of the sacristy. The decay of Tuscany dates from the sovereignty of the Medici. Of the sepulchral peace which succeeded to the establishment of the reigning families in Italy, our own Sidney has given us a glowing, but a faithful picture: Notwithstanding all the seditions of Florence, and other cities of Tuscany, the horrid factions of Guelphs and Ghibelins, Neri and Bianchi, nobles and commons, they continued populous, strong, and exceeding rich; but in the space of less than a hundred and fifty years, the peaceable reign of the Medices is thought to have destroyed nine parts in ten of the people of that province. Amongst other things, it is remarkable, that when Philip the Second of Spain gave Sienna to the Duke of Florence, his ambassador then at Rome sent him word, that he had given away more than 650,000 subjects; and it is not believed there are now 20,000 souls inhabiting that city and territory. Pisa, Pistoia,

66

(4) Animadverti alicubi librum ipsum canum dentibus lacessitum, tuo tamen baculo egregie tuâque voce defensum. Nec miratus sum: nam et vires ingenii tui novi, et scio expertus esses hominum genus insolens et ignavum, qui quicquid ipsi vel nolunt vel nesciunt, vel non possunt, in aliis reprehendunt; ad hoc uuum docti et arguti, sed elingues ad reliqua." Epist. Joan. Boccatio, Opp. tom. i. p. 540. edit. Basil. (5) "Cosmus Medices, Decreto Publico, Pater Patriæ." (6) Corinne, liv. xviii. chap. iii. vol. iii. page 248.

Arezzo, Cortona, and other towns, that were then good and populous, are in the like proportion diminished, and Florence more than any. When that city had been long troubled with seditions, tumults, and wars, for the most part unprosperous, they still retained such strength, that when Charles VIII. of France, being admitted as a friend with his whole army, which soon after conquered the kingdom of Naples, thought to master them, the people, taking arms, struck such a terror into him, that he was glad to depart upon such conditions as they thought fit to impose. Machiavel reports, that in that time Florence alone, with the Val d'Arno, a small territory belonging to that city, could, in a few hours, by the sound of a bell, bring together 135,000 well-armed men; whereas now that city, with all the others in that province, are brought to such despicable weakness, emptiness, poverty, and baseness, that they can neither resist the oppressions of their own prince, nor defend him or themselves if they were assaulted by a foreign enemy. The people are dispersed or destroyed, and the best families sent to seek habitations in Venice, Genoa, Rome, Naples, and Lucca. This is not the effect of war or pestilence: they enjoy a perfect peace, and suffer no other plague than the government they are under." (1) From the usurper Cosmo down to the imbecile Gaston, we look in vain for any of those unmixed qualities which should raise a patriot to the command of his fellow-citizens. The Grand Dukes, and particularly the third Cosmo, had operated so entire a change in the Tuscan character, that the candid Florentines, in excuse for some imperfections in the philanthropic system of Leopold, are obliged to confess that the sovereign was the only liberal man in his dominions. Yet that excellent prince himself had no other notion of a national assembly, than of a body to represent the wants and wishes, not the will, of the people.

XXIII.

BATTLE OF THRASIMENE.

"An earthquake reel'd unheededly away."

Stanza lxiii. line 5.

"And such was their mutual animosity, so intent were they upon the battle, that the earthquake, which overthrew in great part many of the cities of Italy, which turned the course of rapid streams, poured back the sea upon the rivers, and tore down the very mountains, was not felt by one of the combatants." (2) Such is the description of Livy. It may be doubted whether modern tactics would admit of such an ab

straction.

The site of the battle of Thrasimene is not to be mistaken. The traveller from the village under Cortona to Casa di Piano, the next stage on the way to Rome, has for the first two or three miles, around

(1) On Government, chap. ii. sect. xxvi. page 208, edit. 1751. Sidney is, together with Locke and Hoadley, one of Mr. Hume's "despicable writers."

(2) "Tantusque fuit ardor animorum, adeo intentus pugne animus, ut eum terræ motum qui multarum urbium Italiæ magnas partes prostravit, avertitque cursu rapido amnes, mare fluminibus invexit, montes lapsu ingenti proruit, nemo pugnantium senserit." Tit. Liv. lib. xxii. cap. xii.

(3) "Equites ad ipsas fauces saltus, tumulis apte tegentibus, locat." T. Livii, lib. xxii. cap. iv,

him, but more particularly to the right, that flat land which Hannibal laid waste in order to induce the Consul Flaminius to move from Arezzo. On his left, and in front of him, is a ridge of hills bending down | towards the lake of Thrasimene, called by Livy mon tes Cortonenses," and now named the Gnalandra. These hills he approaches at Ossaja, a village which the Itineraries pretend to have been so denominated from the bones found there but there have been no bones found there, and the battle was fought on the other side of the hill. From Ossaja the road begins to rise a little, but does not pass into the roots of the mountains until the sixty-seventh milestone from Florence. The ascent thence is not steep but perpetual, and continues for twenty minutes. The lake is soon seen below on the right, with Borghetto, a round tower, close upon the water; and the undulating hills partially covered with wood, amongst which the road, winds, sink by degrees into the marshes near to this tower. Lower than the road, down to the right amidst these woody hillocks, Hannibal placed his ¦ horse, (3) in the jaws of, or rather above, the pass, which was between the lake and the present road, and most probably close to Borghetto, just under the lowest of the " tumuli."(4) On a summit to the left, above the road, is an old circular ruin, which the peasants call "the Tower of Hannibal the Carthagi nian." Arrived at the highest point of the road, the traveller has a partial view of the fatal plain, which opens fully upon him as he descends the Gualandra. He soon finds himself in a vale enclosed to the left, and in front, and behind him by the Gualandra hills, bending round in a segment larger than a semicircle, and running down at each end to the lake, which obliques to the right and forms the chord of this mountain arc. The position cannot be guessed at from the plains of Cortona, nor appears to be so completely enclosed unless to one who is fairly within the hills. It then, indeed, appears 66 a place made as it were on purpose for a snare," locus insidiis natus. "Borghetto is then found to stand in a narrow marsby pass close to the hill, and to the lake, whilst there is no other outlet at the opposite turn of the mountains than through the little town of Passignano, which is pushed into the water by the foot of a high rocky acclivity." (5) There is a woody eminence branching down from the mountains into the upper end of the plain nearer to the side of Passignano, and on this stands a white village called Torre. Polybius seems to allude to this eminence as the one on which Hannibal encamped, and drew out his heavy-armed Africans and Spaniards in a conspicuous position. (6) From this spot he despatched his Balearic and light-armed troops round through the Gualandra heights to the right, so as to arrive unseen and form an ambush amongst the broken acclivities which the road now passes, and to be ready to act upon the left flank and above the enemy, whilst the horse shut up the

(4) "Ubi maxime montes Cortonenses Thrasimenus subit." T. Livii, lib. xxii. cap. iv.

(5) "Inde colles assurgunt." Ibid.

(6) Τὸν μὲν κατὰ πρόσωπον τῆς πορείας λόφον αὐτὸς κατελάβετοι καὶ τοὺς Λίβυας καὶ τοὺς Ιβηρας ἔχων ἐπ' αὐτοῦ κατεστρατοπέδι σε Hist. lib. iii. cap. 83. The account in Polybius is not o easily reconcilable with present appearances as that in Zity. be talks of hills to the right and left of the pass and valley; but when Flaminius entered, he had the lake at the right of

both.

pass behind. Flaminius came to the lake near Borghetto at sunset; and, without sending any spies before him, marched through the pass the next morning before the day had quite broken, so that he perceived nothing of the borse and light troops above and about him, and saw only the heavy-armed Carthaginians in front on the hill of Torre. (1) The consul began to draw out his army in the flat, and in the mean time the horse in ambush occupied the pass behind him at Borghetto. Thus the Romans were completely inclosed, having the lake on the right, the main army on the hill of Torre in front, the Gualandra hills filled with the light-armed troops on their left flank, and being prevented from receding by the cavalry, who, the farther they advanced, stopped up all the outlets in the rear. A fog rising from the lake now spread itself over the army of the consul, but the high lands were in the sunshine, and all the different corps in ambush looked towards the hill of Torre for the order of attack. Hannibal gave the signal, and moved down from his post on the height. At the same moment all his troops on the eminences behind and on the flank of Flaminius rushed forwards as it were with one accord into the plain. The Romans, who were forming their array in the mist, suddenly heard the shouts of the enemy amongst them, on every side; and before they could fall into their ranks, or draw their swords, or see by whom they were attacked, felt at once that they were surrounded and lost.

There are two little rivulets which run from the Gualandra into the lake. The traveller crosses the first of these at about a mile after he comes into the plain, and this divides the Tuscan from the Papal territories. The second, about a quarter of a mile further on, is called the bloody rivulet;" and the peasants point out an open spot to the left, between the "Sanguinetto" and the hills, which, they say, was the principal scene of slaughter. The other part of the plain is covered with thick-set olive-trees in corn grounds, and is nowhere quite level, except near the edge of the lake. It is, indeed, most probable that the battle was fought near this end of the valley, for the six thousand Romans, who, at the beginning of the action, broke through the enemy, escaped to the summit of an eminence which must have been in this quarter, otherwise they would have had to traverse the whole plain, and to pierce through the main army of Hannibal.

The Romans fought desperately for three hours; but the death of Flaminius was the signal for a general dispersion. The Carthaginian horse then burst upon the fugitives, and the lake, the marsh about Borghetto, but chiefly the plain of the Sanguinetto and the passes of the Gualandra, were strewed with drad. Near some old walls on a bleak ridge to the left, above the rivulet, many human bones have been repeatedly found, and this has confirmed the pretensions and the name of the "stream of blood."

Every district of Italy has its hero. In the north some painter is the usual genius of the place, and the foreign Julio Romano more than divides Mantua with ber native Virgil. (2) To the south, we hear of Ro

(1) A tergo et super caput decepere insidiæ." T. Liv. etc. About the middle of the twelfth century, the coins of Mantua bore on one side the image and figure of Virgil. Teres d'Italia, pl. xvii. i. 6. Voyages dans le Milanais, c. par A. Z. Millin, tom. ii, pag. 294. Paris, 1817.

man names. Near Thrasimene tradition is still faithful to the fame of an enemy, and Hannibal the Carthaginian is the only ancient name remembered on the banks of the Perugian lake. Flaminius is unknown; but the postilions on that road have been taught to show the very spot where Il Console Romano was slain. Of all who fought and fell in the battle of Thrasimene, the historian himself has, besides the generals and Maharbal, preserved indeed only a single name. You overtake the Carthaginian again on the same road to Rome. The antiquary, that is, the hostler of the post-house at Spoleto, tells you that his town repulsed the victorious enemy, and shows you the gate still called Porta di Annibale. It is hardly worth while to remark that a French travel-writer, well known by the name of the President Dupaty, saw Thrasimene in the lake of Bolsena, which lay conveniently on his way from Sienna to Rome.

XXIV.

STATUE OF POMPEY. "And thou, dread statue! still existent in The austerest form of naked majesty."

Stanza lxxxvii. lines I and 2.

The projected division of the Spada Pompey has already been recorded by the historian of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Mr. Gibbon found it in the memorials of Flaminius Vacca; and it may be added to his mention of it, that Pope Julius III. gave the contending owners five hundred crowns for the statue, and presented it to Cardinal Capo di Ferro, who had prevented the judgment of Solomon from being executed upon the image. In a more civilised age, this statue was exposed to an actual operation: for the French, who acted the Brutus of Voltaire in the Coliseum, resolved that their Cæsar should fall at the base of that Pompey, which was supposed to have been sprinkled with the blood of the original dictator. The nine-foot hero was therefore removed to the arena of the amphitheatre, and, to facilitate its transport, suffered the temporary amputation of its right arm. The republican tragedians had to plead that the arm was a restoration: but their accusers do not believe that the integrity of the statue would have protected it. The love of finding every coincidence has discovered the true Cæsarean ichor in a stain near the right knee; but colder criticism has rejected not only the blood, but the por trait, and assigned the globe of power rather to the first of the emperors than to the last of the republican masters of Rome. Winkelmann (3) is loth to allow an heroic statue of a Roman citizen, but the Grimani Agrippa, a contemporary almost, is heroic; and naked Roman figures were only very rare, not absolutely forbidden. The face accords much better with the “hominem integrum et castum et gravem,” (4) than with any of the busts of Augustus, and is too stern for him who was beautiful, says Suetonius, at all periods of his life. The pretended likeness to Alexander the Great cannot be discerned, but the traits resemble the medal of Pompey.(5) The objectionable globe may not have been an ill-applied flattery to him who found Asia Minor the boundary, and left it the

(3) Storia delle Arti, etc. lib. ix. cap. I. pag. 321, 322. tom. ii.

(4) Cicer. Epist. ad. Atticum, xi. 6,

(5) Published by Causeus, in his Museum Romanum.

centre of the Roman empire. It seems that Winkelmann has made a mistake in thinking that no proof of the identity of this statue with that which received the bloody sacrifice can be derived from the spot where it was discovered.(1) Flaminius Vacca says sotto una cantina, and this cantina is known to have been in the Vicolo de' Leutari, near the Cancellaria; a position corresponding exactly to that of the Janus before the basilica of Pompey's theatre, to which Augustus transferred the statue after the curia was either burnt or taken down.(2) Part of the Pompeian shade, (3) the portico, existed in the beginning of the 15th century, and the atrium was still called Satrum. So says Blondus.(4) At all events, so imposing is the stern majesty of the statue, and so memorable is the story, that the play of the imagination leaves no room for the exercise of the judgment, and the fiction, if a fiction it is, operates on the spectator with an effect not less powerful than truth.

XXV.

THE BRONZE WOLF.

"And thou, the thunder-stricken nurse of Rome!" Stanza lxxxviii. line 1. Ancient Rome, like modern Sienna, abounded most probably with images of the foster-mother of her founder; but there were two she-wolves of whom history makes particular mention. One of these, of brass in ancient work, was seen by Dionysius (5) at the temple of Romulus, under the Palatine, and is universally believed to be that mentioned by the Latin historian, as having been made from the money collected by a fine on usurers, and as standing under the Ruminal fig-tree.(6) The other was that which Cicero (7) has

(1) Storia delle Arti, etc. lib. ix. cap. i. pag. 321, 322. tom. ii. (2) Sueton. in vit. August. cap. 31. and in vit. C. J. Cæsar. cap. 88. Appian says it was burnt down. See a note of Pitiscus to Suetonius, page 224.

(3)

"Tu modo Pompeia lenta spatiare sub umbra."
Ovid. Art. Amand.

(4) Roma Instaurata, lib. ii. fo. 31.
(5) Χάλκεα ποιήματα παλαιᾶς ἐργασίας.

Antiq. Rom. lib. i. (6) "Ad ficum Ruminalem simulacra infantium conditorum urbis sub uberibus lupa posuerunt." Liv. Hist. lib. x. cap. xxiii. This was in the year U. C. 455 or 457.

(7) "Tum statua Natte, tum simulacra Deorum, Romulusque et Remus cum altrice bellua, vi fulminis icti conciderunt." De Divinat. ii. 20. "Tactus est ille etiam qui hanc urbem condidit Romulus, quem inauratum in Capitolio parvum atque lactantem, uberibus lupinis inhiantem fuisse meministis." In Catilin. iii. 8.

"Hic silvestris erat Romani nominis altrix.
Martia, quæ parvos Mavortis semine natos
Uberibus gravidis vitali rore rigabat:
Quæ tum cum pueris flammato fulminis ictu
Concidit, atque avulsa pedum vestigia liquit."

De Consulatu, lib. ii. 42. (lib. i. de Divinat. cap. 12.) (8) ἐν γὰρ τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ ἀνδριάντες τε πολλοὶ ὑπὸ κεραυνῶν συνεχωνεύθησαν, καὶ ἀγάλματα ἄλλα τε, καὶ Διὸς ἐπὶ κίονος ἱδρυμένον, εἰκών τέ τις λυκαίνης σύν τε τῷ ῥέμῳ καὶ σὺν τῷ ῥωμύλῳ ἱδρυμένη ίπισι. Dion. Hist. lib. xxxvii. pag. 37. edit. Rob. Steph. 1548. He goes on to mention, that the letters of the columns on which the laws were written were liquified and become ȧpup. All that the Romans did was to erect a large statue to Jupiter, looking towards the east: no men. tion is afterwards made of the wolf. This happened in A. U. C. 689. The Abate Fea, in noticing this passage of Dion (Storia delle Arti, etc. tom. i. pag. 202. note x.), says, Non ostante, aggiunge Dione, che fosse ben fermata (the wolf); by which it is clear the Abate translated the Xylandro-Leunclavian version, which puts quamvis stabilita for the original ipopin, a word that does not mean ben fermata, but only

celebrated, both in prose and verse, and which the historian Dion also records as having suffered the same accident as is alluded to by the orator.(8) The question agitated by the antiquaries is, whether the wolf now in the Conservators' Palace is that of Livy and Dionysius, or that of Cicero, or whether it is neither one nor the other. The earlier writers differ as much as the moderns: Lucius Faunus (9) says, that it is the one alluded to by both, which is impossible, and also by Virgil, which may be. Fulvius Ursinus (10, calls it the wolf of Dionysius, and Marlianus (11) talks of it as the one mentioned by Cicero. To him Rycquius tremblingly assents.(12) Nardini is inclined to suppose it may be one of the many wolves preserved in ancient Rome; but of the two rather bends to the Ciceronian statue.(13) Montfaucon (14) mentions it as a point without doubt. Of the latter writers the decisive Winkelmann(15) proclaims it as having been found at the church of Saint Theodore, where, or near where, was the temple of Romulus, and consequently makes it the wolf of Dionysius. His authority is Lucius Faunus, who, however, only says that it was placed, not found, at the Ficus Ruminalis, by the Comitium, by which he does not seem to allude to the church of Saint Theodore. Rycquius was the first to make the mistake, and Winkelmann followed Rycquius.

Flaminius Vacca tells quite a different story, and says he had heard the wolf with the twins was found(16) near the arch of Septimius Severus. The commentator on Winkelmann is of the same opinion with that learned person, and is incensed at Nardini for not having remarked that Cicero, in speaking of the wolf struck with lightning in the Capitol, makes use of the past tense. But, with the Abate's leave, Nardini does

raised, as may be distinctly seen from another passage of the same Dion: ἠβουλήθη μὲν οὖν ὁ Αγρίππας καὶ τὸν Αύγουστο ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσαι. Hist. lib. vi. Dion says that Agrippa "wished to raise a statue of Augustus in the Pantheon."

(9) "In eadem porticu ænea lupa, cujus uberibus Romulus ac Remus lactantes inhiant, conspicitur: de hac Cicero et Virgilius semper intellexere. Livius hoc signum ab Ædilibus ex pecuniis quibus mulctati essent fœneratores, positum innuit. Antea in Comitiis ad Ficum Ruminalem, quo loco pueri fuerant expositi, locatum pro certo est." Luc. Fausi de Antiq. Urb. Rom. lib. ii. cap. vii. ap. Sallengre, tom. í. p. 217. In his xviith chapter he repeats that the statnes were there, but not that they were found there.

(10) Ap. Nardini, Roma Vetus, lib. v. cap. iv. (11) Marliani Urb. Rom. Topograph. lib. ii. cap. ix. He mentions another wolf and twins in the Vatican, lib. v. cap. xxi.

(12) Non desunt qui hanc ipsam esse putent, quam adpinximus, quæe è comitio in Basilicam Lateranam, cum nonnullis aliis antiquitatum reliquiis, atque hinc in Capitolium postea relata sit, quamvis Marlianus antiquam Capitolinam esse maluit à Tullio descriptam, cui, ut in re nimis dut, trepidè adsentimur." Just. Ryequii, de Capit. Roman, Comm. cap. xxiv. pag. 250. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696.

(13) Nardini, Roma Fetus, lib. v. cap. iv.

(14) "Lupa hodieque in Capitolinis prostat ædibus, cum vestigio fulminis quo ictam narrat Cicero." Diarium Italic. tom. i. pag. 174.

(15) Storia delle Arti, etc. lib. iii. capiii. Sii. note 10. Winkelmann has made a strange blunder in the note, by saying the Ciceronian wolf was not in the Capitol, and that Dion was wrong in saying so.

(16) "Intesi dire, che l' Ercole di bronzo, che oggi si trova nella sala di Campidoglio, fu trovato nel foro Romano appresso l'arco di Settimio: e vi fu trovata anche la lupa di bronzo che allatta Romolo e Remo, e stà nella Loggia de Conservatori." Flam. Vacca, Memorie, num. iii. pag. i. sp. Montfaucon, Diar. Ital. tom. i.