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centre of the Roman empire. It seems that Winkel- | celebrated, both in prose and verse, and which the mann has made a mistake in thinking that no proof historian Dion also records as having suffered the of the identity of this statue with that which received same accident as is alluded to by the urator.(8) The the bloody sacrifice can be derived from the spot where question agitated by the antiquaries is, whether the wolf it was discovered. (1) Flaminius Vacca says sotto una now in the Conservators' Palace is that of Livy and cantina, and this cantina is knowa to have been in the Dionysius, or that of Cicero, or whether it is neither Vicolo de' Leutari, near the Cancellaria; a position cor one nor the other. The earlier writers differ as much responding exactly to that of the Janus before the basilica as the moderns: Lucius Faunus (9) says, that it is of Pompey's theatre, to which Augustus transferred the the one alluded to by both, which is impossible, and statue after the curia was either burnt or taken down.(2) also by Virgil, which may be. Fulvius Ursinus (10) Part of the Pompeian shade, (3) the portico, existed calls it the wolf of Dionysius, and Marlianus (11) talks in the beginning of the 15th century, and the atrium of it as the one mentioned by Cicero. To him Rycwas still called Satrum. So says Blondus.(4) At quius tremblingly assents.(12) Nardini is inclined to all events, so imposing is the stern majesty of the suppose it may be one of the many wolves preserved statue, and so memorable is the story, that the play in ancient Rome; but of the two rather bends to the of the imagination leaves no room for the exercise of Ciceronian statue.(13) Montfaucou (14) mentions it as the judgment, and the fiction, if a fiction it is, ope a point without doubt. of the latter writers the derates on the spectator with an effect not less powerful cisive Winkelmann(15) proclaims it as having been than truth.
found at the church of Saint Theodore, where, or near
where, was the temple of Romulus, and consequently XXV.
makes it the wolf of Dionysius. His authority is
Lucius Faunus, who, however, only says that it was THE BRONZE WOLF.
placed, not found, at the Ficus Ruminalis, by the " And thou, the thunder-stricken nurse of Rome !" Comitium, by which he does not seem to alluide to
Stanza lxxxviii. line 1. the church of Saint Theodore. Rycquius was the Ancient Rome, like modern Sienna, abounded most first to make the mistake, and Winkelmann followed probably with innages of the foster-mother of her found- Rycquius. er; but there were two she-wolves of whom history Flaminius Vacca tells quite a different story, and makes particular mention. One of these, of brass in says he had heard the wolf with the twins was found(16) ancient work, was seen by Dionysius (5) at the temple near the arch of Septimius Severus. The commentator of Romulus, under the Palatine, and is universally on Winkelmann is of the same opinion with that believed to be that mentioned by the Latin historian, | learned person, and is incensed at Nardini for not as having been made from the money collected by a having remarked that Cicero, in speaking of the wolf line on usurers, and as standing under the Ruminal struck with lightning in the Capitol, makes use of the fig-tree.(6) The other was that which Cicero (7) has past tense. But, with the Abate's leave, Nardini does
(1) Storia delle Arti, etc. lib. ix, cap. i. pag. 321, 322. tom. ii. raised, as may be distinctly seen from another passage of
(2) Sueton. in vit. August. cap. 31. and in vit. C. J. Cæsar. the same Dion: ACOUAMOT pe cové À ypkanee nai záy Aúyouets cap. 88. Appian says it was burnt down. See a note of irtaub, dourar. Hist. lib. lvi. Dion says that Agrippa Pitiscus to Suetonius, page 224.
“wished to raise a statue of Augustus in the Pantheon." (3) “Tu modo Pompeia lenta spatiare sub umbra." * (9) "In eadem porticu ænea lupa, cajus uberibas Romahes
Ovid. Art. Amand.
ac Remus lactantes inhiant, conspicitur: de hac Cicero et (4) Roma Instaurata, lib. ij. fo. 31.
Virgilius semper intellexere. Livius hoc signum ab Edibbas (5) Xühxur fourMate madalas ipyarias. Antiq. Rom. lib. i. ex pecuniis quibus mulctati essent fæneratores, positum ilk(6) "Ad ficam Ruminalem simulacra infantium condito
nuit. Antea in Comitiis ad Ficum Ruminalem, quo loco rum urbis sub uberibus lupæ posuerunt." Lir. Hist. lib.
pueri fuerant expositi, locatum pro certo est." Luc. Faust 1. cap. xxiij. This was in the year U. C. 455 or 457.
de Antiq. Urb. Rom. lib, ii. cap. vii. ap. Sallengre, tom. i.
p. 217. In his xviith chapter he repeats that the statoes (7) “Tum statua Natta, tum simulacra Deorum, Romu.
were there, but not that they were found there. lusque et Remus cum altrice bellua, vi fulminis icti conci. derunt." De Divinat. ii. 20. “Tactus est ille etiam qui
(10) Ap. Nardini, Roma Vetus, lib. v. cap. iv hanc urbem condidit Romulus, quem inauratum in Capitolio
(11) Marliani Urb. Rom. Topograph. lib. ii. cap. ix. lle parvum atque lactantem, uberibus lupinis inhiantem fuisse
mentions another wolf and twins in the Vatican, lib. v. meministis." In Catilin. iii. 8.
cap. xxi. * Hic silvestris crat Romani nominis altrix
(12) Non desunt qui hanc ipsam esse putent, quam adMartia, a parvos Mavortis semine natos
pinximus, quæ è comitio in Basilicam Lateranam, cum non Uberibus gravidis vitali rore rigabat:
nullis aliis antiquitatum reliquiis, atque hinc in Capitolio Quæ tum cum pueris flammato fulminis ictu
postea relata sit, quamvis Marlianus antiquam Capitolina Concidit, atque avulsa pedum vestigia liquit."
esse maluit à Tullio descriptam, cui, ut in re nimis dubin, De Consulatu, lib. ii. 42. (lib. i. de Divinat. cap. 12.) trepidè adsentimur.” Just. Rycquii. de Capit. Roman, Con (8) Év yeupe tm Karetoklon dvapukytes To m unei x epheuvây cap. xxiv. pag. 250. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696. συνεχωνεύθησαν, και αγάλματα άλλα τε, και Διός επί κίονος ίδρυμένον, (13) Nardini, Roma Vetus, lib. v. cap. iv. εικών τε τις λυκαίνης σύν τι τώ Ρέμω και συν τω Ρωμύλω ιδρυμένη
(14) “Lupa bodieque in Capitolinis prostat xdibus, a is . Dion. Hist. lib. xxxvii. pag. 37. edit. Rob. Steph.
vestigio fulminis quo ictam narrat Cicero," Diarium Italic 1548. He goes on to mention, that the letters of the co
tom. i. pag. 174. lumns on which the laws were written were liquified and
(15) Storia delle Arti, etc. lib. iii. capiii. Sii, note 10. Wie become duuda. All that the Romans did was to erect a
kelmann has made a strange blander in the note, by savini large statue to Jupiter, looking towards the east: no men
the Ciceronian wolf was not in the Capitol, and that Dion wa tion is afterwards made of the wolf. This bappened in A. wrong in saying so. U. C. 689. The Abate Fea, in noticing this passage of Dion (16) “Intesi dire, che l'Ercole di bronzo, che oggi si trov (Storia delle Arti, etc, tom. i. pag, 202. note a.), says, Non nella sala di Campidoglio, fu trovato nel foro Romano Up ostante, aggiunge Dione, che fosse ben fermata (the wolf); presso l'arco di Settimio ; e vi fu trovata anche la lupa di by which it is clear the Abate translated the Xylandro-Leun bronzo che allatta Romolo e Remo, e stà nella Loggia de clavian version, which puts quamvis stabilita for the original Conservatori," Flam. Vacca, Memorie, num. iii. pag. i.de id uuen, a word that does not mean ben fermala, but only | Montfaucon, Diar, lal. tom. i.
Dot positively assert the statue to be that mentioned | a wolf; and it is known that the Lupercalia held out by Cicero, and, if he had, the assumption would not to a very late period (4) after every other observance pabaps have been so exceedingly indiscreet. The of the ancient superstition had totally expired. This Abate himself is obliged to own that there are marks may account for the preservation of the ancient image very like the scathing of lightning in the hinder legs longer than the other early symbols of Paganism. of the present wolf; and, to get rid of this, adds, that It may be permitted, however, to remark, that the the wolf seen by Dionysius might have been also | wolf was a Roman symbol, but that the worship of struck by lightning, or otherwise injured.
that symbol is an inference drawn by the zeal of Let us examine the subject by a reference to the Lactantius. The early Christian writers are not to words of Cicero. The orator in two places seems to be trusted in the charges which they make against the particularise the Romalus and the Remus, especially Pagans. Eusebius accused the Romans to their faces the first, which his audience remembered to have been of worshipping Simon Magus, and raising a statue to in the Capitol, as being struck with lightning. In him in the island of the Tyber. The Romans had his verses he records that the twins and wolf both probably never heard of such a person before, who fell, and that the latter left behind the marks of her came, however, to play a considerable though scanfeet. Cicero does not say that the wolf was con- dalous part in the church history, and has left several sumed: and Dion only mentions that it fell down, tokens of his aerial combat with St. Peter at Rome; withoat alluding, as the Abate has made him, to the notwithstanding that an inscription found in this very force of the blow, or the firmness with which it had island of the Tyber showed the Simon Magus of Eubeen fixed. The whole strength, therefore, of the sebius to be a certain indigenal god called Semo Sangus i Abate's argument hangs upon the past tense; which, or Fidius.(5) however, may be somewhat diminished by remarking Even when the worship of the founder of Rome had that the phrase only shows that the statue was not been abandoned, it was thought expedient to humour then standing in its former position. Winkelmann the habits of the good matrons of the city, by sendlas observed, that the present twins are modern; and it ing them with their sick infants to the church of is equally clear that there are marks of gilding on the | Saint Theodore, as they had before carried them to woll, which might therefore be supposed to make part the temple of Romulus.(6) The practice is contiof the ancient group. It is known that the sacred nued to this day; and the site of the above church images of the Capitol were not destroyed when in- seems to be thereby identified with that of the temjared by time or accident, but were put into certain ple; so that if the wolf had been really found there, rader-ground depositaries, called favissæ. (1) It may as Winkelmann says, there would be no doubt of be thought possible that the wolf had been so deposited, the present statue being that seen by Dionysias.(7) and bad been replaced in some conspicuous situation But Faunus, in saying that it was at the Ficus Ruwhen the Capitol was rebuilt by Vespasian. Rycquius, minalis, by the Comitium, is only talking of its ancient without mentioning his authority, tells that it was position as recorded by Pliny; and even if he had been transferred from the Comitium to the Lateran, and remarking where it was found, would not have alluded thence brought to the Capitol. If it was found near to the church of Saint Theodore, but to a very different the arch of Severus, it may have been one of the place, near which it was then thought the Ficus Ruimages which Orosius (2) says was thrown down in minalis had been, and also the Comitium ; that is, the the Forüm by lightning when Alaric took the city. three columns by the church of Santa Maria LiberaThat it is of very high antiquity the workmanship is trice, at the corner of the Palatine looking on the a decisive proof; and that circumstance induced Win Forum. kelruann to believe it the wolf of Dionysius. The It is, in fact, a mere conjecture where the image Capitoline wolf, however, may have been of the same was actually dug up;(8) and perhaps, on the whole, early date as that at the temple of Romulus. Lactan- the marks of the gilding, and of the lightning, are a tios (3) asserts that in his time the Romans worshipped better argument in favour of its being the Ciceronian
(1) Luc. Faun, ibid.
(6) “In csse gli antichi pontefici per toglier la memoria 2) See note to stanza LXXX. in Historical Tlustrations,
de' giuochi Lupercali instuiti in onore di Romolo, introdus.
sero l'uso di portarvi bambini oppressi da infermità occulte, (3) 4 Romuli nutrix Lupa honoribus est affecta divinis, et
acciò si liberino per l'intercessione di questo santo, come kerrem, si animal ipsum fuisset, cujus figuram gerit." Lac
di contindo si sperimenta." Rione xii. Ripa, accurata e tant. de Falsa Religione, lib. i. cap. XI. pag. 101, edit, varior.
succinta Descrizione, etc. di Roma Moderna, dell'Ab. Ridolf. ! 1660 : that is to say, he would rather adore a wolf than a
Venuti, 1766. prostitute. His commentator has observed that the opinion of Liry concerning Laurentia being figured in this wolf was (7) Nardini, lib. v. cap. 11. convicts Pomponius Lætus sat universal, Strabo thought so. Rycquius is wrong in
crassi erroris, in putting the Ruminal fig-tree at the church ating that Lactantius mentions the wolf was in the Ca
of Saint Theodore : but as Livy says the wolf was at the pitol.
Ficus Ruminalis, and Dionysius at the temple of Romulus,
he is obliged (cap. iv.) to own that the two were close toTo A. D. 496. - Quis credere possit,” says Baronius
gether, as well as the Lupercal cave, shaded, as it were, by e. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 602. in an. 496.), « vignisse adhuc
the fig tree. Roms ad Gelasii tempora, quæ fuere ante exordia urbis al. lata in Italiam Lupercalia ? » Gelasius wrote a letter wbich (8) * Ad comitium ficus olim Rominalis germinabat, sub orcupies four folio pages to Andromachus the senator, and qua lupa rumam, hoc est, mammam, docente Varrone, sux. others, to show that the rites should be given up.
erant olim Romulus et Remus; non procul a templo hodie 15 Eusebius has these words: zzi avoptávte Toalp' DATY si illa aenea statua lupæ geminos puerulos lactantis, quam ho
D. Mariæ Liberatricis appellato, ubi forsan inventa nobilis Βές τιτίμηται, εν τω Τιβερι ποταμό μεταξύ των δύο γεφυρών, έχων | die in Capitolino videmus.” olai Borrichii Antiquα Urbίς ist pasty Peaga ziyy tzútty Yiposve bio Láyxou. Eccles. Ilisl. lib. Romanæ Facies, cap. x. See also cap. xii. Borrichius wrote i.cap. xiii. p.40. Justin Martyr had told the story before, after Nardini, in 1687. p. Grev. Antiq. Rom. tom. iv. Pbut Baronias himself was obliged to detect this fable. See | 1522. Nardini, ma ret. lib, vil, cap. xii.
wolf than any that can be adduced for the contrary
- XXVII. opinion. At any rate, it is reasonably selected in the
EGERIA. text of the poem as one of the most interesting relics of the ancient city,(1) and is certainly the figure, if « Egeria! sweet creation of some heart
Which found no mortal resting place so fair not the very animal, to which Virgil alludes in his
As thine ideal breast.” beautiful verses :-
Stanza civ. lines 1, 2, and 3. "Geminos huic ubera circum
The respectable authority of Flaminius Vacca would Ludere pendentes pueros, et lambere matrem
incline us to believe in the claims of the Egerian grotto.(5) Impavidos: illam tereti cervice reflexam Mulcere alternos, et corpora fingere lingua."(2)
He assures us that he saw an inscription in the pave ment, stating that the fountain was that of Egeria, dedicated to the nymphs. The inscription is not
there at this day; but Montfaucon quotes two lines (6) XXVI.
of Ovid, from a stone in the Villa Giustiniani, which JULIUS CÆSAR.
he seems to think had been brought from the same
grotto. « For the Roman's mind
This grotto and valley were formerly frequented in Was modell'd in a less terrestrial mould.”
summer, and particularly the first Sunday in May, by Stanza xc. lines 3 and 4.
the modern Romans, who attached a salubrious quaIt is possible to be a very great man and to be still lity to the fountain which trickles from an orifice at very inferior to Julius Cæsar, the most complete cha the bottom of the vault, and, overflowing the little racter, so Lord Bacon thought, of all antiquity. Na pools, creeps down the matted grass into the brook ture seems incapable of such extraordinary combin- below. The brook is the Ovidian Almo, whose name ations as composed his versatile capacity, which was and qualities are lost in the modern Aquataccio. The the wonder even of the Romans themselves. The first valley itself is called Valle di Caffarelli, from the dakes general—the only triumphant politician-inferior to of that name, who made over their fountain to the Palnone in eloquence--comparable to any in the attain- | lavicini, with sixty rubbia of adjoining land. ments of wisdom, in an age made up of the greatest There can be little doubt that this long dell is the commanders, statesmen, orators, and philosophers that Egerian valley of Juvenal, and the pausing-place of ever appeared in the world—an author who composed Umbritius, notwithstanding the generality of his coma perfect specimen of military annals in his travelling mentators have supposed the descent of the satirist carriage-at one time in a controversy with Cato, at and his friend to have been into the Arician grore, another writing a treatise on punning, and collecting where the nymph met Hippolitus, and where she was a 'ket of good sayings-fighting (3) and making love at more peculiarly worshipped. the same moment, and willing to abandon both his The step from the Porta Capena to the Alban will, empire and his mistress for a sight of the Fountains fifteen miles distant, would be too considerable, unless of the Nile. Such did Julius Cæsar appear to his we were to believe in the wild conjecture of Vossios, contemporaries, and to those of the subsequent ages who makes that gate travel from its present station, who were the most inclined to deplore and execrate where he pretends it was during the reign of the his fatal genius.
Kings, as far as the Arician grove, and then makes it But we must not be so much dazzled with his sur recede to its old site with the shrinking city.(7) The passing glory, or with his magnanimous, his amiable tufo, or pumice, which the poet prefers to marble, is qualities, as to forget the decision of his impartial the substance composing the bank in which the grotto countrymen :
The modern topographers (8) find in the grotto the
HE WAS JUSTI.Y SL
1) Donatus, lib. xi. cap. 18. gives a medal representing on one side the wolf in the same position as that in the Capitol; and in the reverse the wolf with the head not reverted. It is of the time of Antoninus Pius.
(2) En. viii. 631. See Dr. Middleton, in his Letter from Rome, who inclines to the Ciceronian wolf, but without examining the subject.
(3) In his tenth book, Lucan shows him, sprinkled with the blood of Pharsalia, in the arms of Cleopatra :
“Sanguine Thessalicãe cladis perfusus adulter
Admisit Venerem curis, et miscuit armis."
"Spes sit mihi certa videndi
Noctis iter medium."
"Sed adest defensor ubique
Præcipiti cursu bellorum et tempore rapto."
which was a formula in Livy's time. “Melium jure cæsum pronuntiavit, etiam si regni crimine insons fuerit:" (lib. iv. cap. 48.) and which was continued in the legal judgments pronounced in justifiable homicides, such as killing housebreakers. See Sueton. In Vit. C. J. Cæsaris, with the conmentary of Pitiscus, p. 184.
(5) "Poco lontano dal detto luogo si scende ad un casaletto, del quale ne sono Padroni li Caffarelli, che con questo nome è chiamato il luogo; vi è una fontann sotto una gran volta antica, che al presente si gode, e li Romani vi vanno l'estate a ricrearsi; nel pavimento di essa fonte si legge in un epitaffio essere quella la fonte di Egeria, dedicata alle ninfe, e questa, dice l'epitaffio, essere la medesima fonte in cui fu convertita." Memorie, etc. ap. Nardini, page. 13. He does not give the inscription. .
(6) "In villa Justiniana extat ingens lapis quadratus solus, in quo sculpta hæc duo Ovidii carmina sunt:
• Ægeria est quæ præbet aquas dea grata Canonis
Ma Numnæ conjux consiliumque fuit.' Qui lapis videtur ex eodem Egeriæ fonte, aut ejus vicinin istbuc comportatas." Diarium Italic. p. 153.
(7) De Magnit. Vet. Rom. ap. Grev. Ant. Rom. tom. ix.p. 1507.
8) Echinard, Descrizione di Roma e dell' Agro Romano, corretto dall' Abate Venuti, in Roma, 1750. They believe in the grotto and nymph, “Simalacro di questo fonte, es. sendovi scolpite le acque a pie di esso."
statue of the nymph, and nine niches for the Muses; 1 The circus of Caracalla depends on a medal of that and a late traveller (1) has discovered that the cave is emperor cited by Fulvius Ursinus, of which the reverse restored to that simplicity which the poet regretted shows a circus, supposed, however, by some to reprehad been exchanged for injudicious ornament. But sent the Circus Maximus. It gives a very good idea the headless statue is palpably rather a male than a l of that place of exercise. The soil has been but little
mph, and has none of the attributes ascribed to it | raised, if we may judge from the smail cellular strucat present visible. The nine Muses could hardly have ture at the end of the Spina, which was probably the stood in six niches; and Juvenal certainly does not chapel of the god Consus. This cell is half beneath allade to any individual cave.(2) Nothing can be the soil, as it must have been in the circus itself; for collected from the satirist but that, somewhere near Dionysius (6) could not be persuaded to believe that the Porta Capena, was a spot in which it was sup- this divinity was the Roman Neptune, because his posed Nama beld nightly consultations with his nymph, altar was under ground. and where there was a grove and a sacred fountain and fanes once consecrated to the Muses; and that from this spot there was a descent into the valley of
XXVII. Egeria, where were several artificial caves. It is clear
THE ROMÂN NEMESIS. that the statues of the Muses made no part of the de
“Great Nemesis! coration which the satirist thought misplaced in these Here, there the ancient paid thee homage long." caves; for he expressly assigns other fanes (delubra)
Stanza cxxxii. lines 2 and 3. to these divinities above the valley, and moreover tells We read in Suetonius, that Augustus, from a warnus that they had been ejected to make room for the ing received in a dream, (7) counterfeited, once a year, Jews. In fact, the little temple, now called that of the beggar sitting before the gate of his palace, with Bacchus, was formerly thought to belong to the Muses, his hand hollowed and stretched out for charity. A and Nardini (3) places them in a poplar grove, which statue formerly in the Villa Borghese, and which should was in his time above the valley.
be now at Paris, represents the Emperor in that posIt is probable, from the inscription and position, ture of supplication. The object of this self-degrathat the cave now shown may be one of the “artificial dation was the appeasement of Nemesis, the perpetual caverns, of which, indeed, there is another a little attendant on good fortune, of whose power the Roman way higher up the valley, under a tust of alder bushes: conquerors were also reminded by certain symbols atbat a single grotto of Egeria is a mere modern inven- | tached to their cars of triumph. The symbols were
tion, grafted upon the application of the epithet Egerian the whip and the crotalo, which were discovered in the | to these nymphea in general, and which might send us Nemesis of the Vatican. The attitude of beggary to look for the haunts of Numa upon the banks of the made the above statue pass for that of Belisarius: and Thames.
until the criticism of Winkelmann(8) had rectified the 1 Our English Juvenal was not seduced into mistrans mistake, one fiction was called in to support another.
lation by his acquaintance with Pope: he carefully It was the same fear of the sudden termination of preserves the correct plural
prosperity that made Amasis king of Egypt warn his Thence slowls winding down the vale, we view friend, Polycrates of Samos, that the gods loved those The Egerian grots : oh, how unlike the true!"
whose lives were chequered with good and evil forThe valley abounds with springs, (4) and over these tunes. Nemesis was supposed to lie in wait partisprings, which the Muses might haunt from their neigh- cularly for the prudent; that is, for those whose caubouring groves, Egeria presided: hence she was said tion rendered them accessible only to mere accidents: to supply them with water; and she was the nymph of and her first altar was raised on the banks of the the groitos through which the fountains were taught Phrygian Æsopus by Adrastus, probably the prince to flow,
of that name who killed the son of Creesus by mistake. The whole of the monuments in the vicinity of the Hence the goddess was called Adrastea. (9) Egerian valley have received names at will, which have The Roman Nemesis was sacred and august: there been changed at will. Venuti(5) owns he can see no was a temple to her in the Palatine, under the name
ces of the temples of Jove, Saturn, Juno, Venus, and of Rhamnusia: (10) so great, indeed, was the proDiana, which Nardini found, or hoped to find. The mu- pensity of the ancients to trust to the revolution of tatorium of Caracalla's circus, the temple of Honour events, and to believe in the divinity of Fortune, that and Virtue, the temple of Bacchus, and, above all, the in the same Palatine there was a temple to the F temple of the god Ridiculus, are the antiquaries' despair. tune of the day. (11) This is the last superstition (1) Classical Tour, chap. vi. p. 217, vol. ij.
(7) Sueton. in Vit. Augusti, cap. 91. Casaubon, in the Substitit ad veteres arcus, madidamque Capenam,
note, refers to Plutarch's Lives of Camillus and Emilius Hie abi nocturna Numa constituebat amicæ.
Paulus, and also to his apophthegms, for the character of Nunc sacri fontis nemus, et delubra locantur
this deity. The bollowed hand was reckoned the last deJodaís quorum cophinus fænumque supellex.
gree of degradation; and when the dead body of the præfect Omnis enim populo mercedem pendere jussa est
Rufinus was borne about in triumph by the people, the inArbor, et ejectis mendicat silva Camænis.
dignity was increased by putting his hand in that position. la vallem Egerice descendimus, et speluncas
(8) Storia delle Arti, etc. lib. xii. cap. iii. tom. ii. p. 422. Dissimiles veris. Quanto praestantius esset
Visconti calls the statue, however, a Cybele. It is given Nomen aquæ, viridi si margine clauderet undas
in the Museo Pio-Clement. tom. i. par 40. The Abate Fea Herba, nec ingenuum violarent marmora topham?” (Spiegazione dei Rami. Soria, etc. tom. iii. p. 513) calls it
Sat. III. 1 a Chrisippus. (3) Lih. fi. cap. iii. (4) "Undique e solo aqur scatariunt." Nardini, lib. iii.
(9) Dict. de Bayle, article Adrastea.
(10) It is enumerated by the regionary Victor. (5) Echinard, etc. Cic. cit. p. 297, 298.
(11) Fortunæ hujusce diei. Cicero mentions her, de legib. (6) Anfiq. Rom. lib. ii. cap. xuri.
which retains its hold over the human heart; and, | vived. The story is told by Theodoret () and Casfrom concentrating in one object the credulity so na-1 siodorus, (8) and seems worthy of credit notwithtural to man, has always appeared strongest in those standing its place in the Roman martyrology. (9) unembarrassed by other articles of belief. The an Besides the torrents of blood which flowed at the tiquaries have supposed this goddess to be synony- | funerals, in the amphitheatres, the circus, the forums, mous with Fortune and with Fate:(1) but it was in and other public places, gladiators were introduced her vindictive quality that she was worshipped under at feasts, and tore each other to pieces amidst the the name of Nemesis.
supper tables, to the great delight and applause of the guests. Yet Lipsius permits himself to suppose the
loss of courage, and the evident degeneracy of manXXIX.
kind, to be nearly connected with the abolition of GLADIATORS.
these bloody spectacles. (10)
Here, where the Roman million's blame or praise luntary; and were supplied from several conditions : Was death or life, the playthings of a crowd. - from slaves sold for that purpose; from culprits;
Stanza cxlii. lines 5 and 6. 1 from barbarian captives either taken in war, and, When one gladiator wounded another, he shouted after being led in triumph, set apart for the games, " he has it," "hoc habet,” or “ habet." The wounded or those seized and condemned as rebels; also from combatant dropped his weapon, and, advancing to the free citizens, some fighting for hire (auclorati), others edge of the arena, supplicated the spectators. If he from a depraved ambition: at last even knights and had fought well, the people saved him; if otherwise, i senators were exhibited,-a disgrace of which the or as they happened to be inclined, they turned down first tyrant was naturally the first inventor. (2) In their thumbs, and he was slain. They were occasionthe end, dwarfs, and even women, fought; an enormity ally so savage, that they were impatient if a combat prohibited by Severus. Of these the most to be pitied | lasted longer than ordinary without wounds or death, undoubtedly were the barbarian captives; and to The emperor's presence generally saved the vanquished; this species a Christian writer (3) justly applies the and it is recorded as an instance of Caracalla's fe epithet “innocent," to distinguish them from the pro rocity, that be sent those who supplicated him for life, fessional gladiators. Aurelian and Claudius supplied in a spectacle, at Nicomedia, to ask the people; in great numbers of these unfortunate victims; the one other words, handed them over to be slain. A similar after his triumph, and the other on the pretext of a ceremony is observed at the Spanish bull-fights. The rebellion. (4) No war, says Lipsius, (5) was ever magistrate presides; and after the horsemen and pic. so destructive to the human race as these sports. In cadores have fought the bull, the matadore steps forspite of the laws of Constantine and Constans, gla ward and bows to him for permission to kill the animal. diatorial shows survived the old established religion If the bull has done his duty by killing two or three more than seventy years; but they owed their final ex horses, or a man, which last is rare, the people intertinction to the courage of a Christian. In the year fere with shouts, the ladies wave their handkerchiefs, 404, on the kalends of January, they were exhibiting and the animal is saved. The wounds and death of the shows in the Flavian amphitheatre, before the the horses are accompanied with the loudest acclama- 1 usual immense concourse of people. Almachius, ortions, and many gestures of delight, especially from Telemachus, an Eastern monk, who had travelled to the female portion of the audience, including those of Rome intent on his holy purpose, rushed into the the gentlest blood. Every thing depends on habit. midst of the area, and endeavoured to separate the The author of Childe Harold, the writer of this note, combatants. The prætor Alypius, a person incredibly and one or two other Englishmen, who have certainly attached to these games, (®) gave instant orders to the in other days borne the sight of a pitched battle, wers, gladiators to slay him; and Telemachus gained the during the summer of 1809, in the governor's box at crown of martyrdom, and the title of saint, which the great amphitheatre of Santa Maria, opposite to surely has never either before or since been awarded | Cadiz. The death of one or two horses completely for a more noble exploit. Honorias immediately satisfied their curiosity. A gentleman present, ob abolished the shows, which were never afterwards re- serving them shudder and look pale, noticed that un
(2) Julius Cæsar, who rose by the fall of the aristocracy, brought Furius Leptinus and A. Calenus upon the arena.
(3) Tertullian, “certe quidem et innocentes gladiatores in ludum veniunt, et voluptatis publicæ hostiæ tiant.” Just. Lips. Saturn, Sermon. lib. ii. cap. iii.
(4) Vopiscus, in Vit. Aurel. and in Vit. Claud, ibid.
titiemque generi humano intulisse, quam hos ad volaptatem ludos.” Just. Lips. ibid. lib. i. cap. xii.
(6) Augustinus (lib. vi. Confess. cap. viii.) Alypiam suum gladiatorii spectaculi iuhiatu incredibiliter abreptum," scribit. Ib. lib. i. cap. xii.
(7) Hist. Eccles. cap. xxvi. lib. v.
Baronius, ad. ann., et in notis ad Martyrol. Hom. I.
0) « Quod ? non tu Lipsi momentum aliquod habuisse censes ad virtutem ? Maguum. Tempora nostra, nosque ipsos videamus. Oppidum ecce unum alterumve captum, direptum est; tumultus circa nos, non in nobis, et tamen concidimus et turbamur. Ubi robur, ubi tot per annos meditata sapientiæ studia ? ubi ille animus qui possit dicere, si fractus illabatur orbis ?” etc. Ibid. lib. ii. cap. XIV. The prototype of Mr. Windham's panegyric on bull-baiting.