bitter the enmity of his friends against the surplice and the common prayer.* So confirmed an aversion to a thing so apparently unimportant, makes it very clear that something was understood to lie within the controversy which gave it a factitious value. Whatever might be the pretences against the surplice, no dubious indications were shewn that any garment imposed by authority would soon be equally obnoxious. The swooping black gown-the grey amice-the furred hood, in which Ridley accomplished his martyrdom-nay, the very gowns that Bradford, Philpot, and Reynolds wore, seem to have grown odious-and a cloak was the puritan costume for preaching previous to the rebellion. Scarlet, black, grey, and white were objectionable on popish grounds; and two more were added to the expurgatory index of colours on Jewish grounds in 1608-9, when a dispute arose at Amsterdam, between Broughton and the celebrated Ainsworth, whether Aaron's linen ephod was of blue or sea-water green; "which," says Heylin, "did not only trouble all the dyers of Amsterdam, but drew their several followers into sides and factions." It was then any garment imposed by authority, not the garment of popery, Judaism, nor heathenism, that was objected to; surely the reason is apparent. The advocates of the holy discipline wished every congregation to be complete in itself. The minister desired no governors but those whom he trusted he had influence to govern, the people no minister but one of their own election, and both never to be subjected to any authority they had not given. Or, as Cartwright drew up the propositions "Episcoporum cancellariis, aut archidiaconorum officialibus regimen ecclesiæ non est committendum, sed ad idoneum ministrum, et presbyterium ejusdem ecclesiæ deferendum. Episcopi tantum authoritate et potestate, ministri non sunt creandi......sed ab ecclesia electio fieri debet." (Strype An., v. I., part II., 380.) Thus, the pride they thought they were condemning they fostered. They could not abide the token of subjection to an apostolic rule, which brought down the minister from his rank as the angel of his own church, and the people from theirs as patrons of his office, and made him little more than a centurion, and them the humble soldiers of the cross. How reasonable it was to have defended this ground in the battle of the church appeared when it was lost by the atrocities of those who won. How just to retain a regimental, vanquished but not dishonoured, was felt by every consistent churchman when it was regained. *Life of Axtel, Biog. Br. 259 ANTIQUITIES, ETC. DISPOSAL OF HIGHER CHURCH PREFERMENT. (Continued from p. 153.) IN the last number we saw, in connexion with Wilkins' appointment to the see of Chester, the secret politics of the scheme of " moderation and comprehension" which was set on foot in 1668 by him and the new chancellor, Bridgman, who came in on Clarendon's fall. The Duke of Buckingham, it appeared, to whom Wilkins owed his elevation, had "set up for a patron of liberty of conscience and of all the sects;" "popish counsels," meanwhile, secretly governing everything. There had been an earlier scheme of the same kind going on in 1662, of which, though departing from strict chronological order, some account shall now be given. It is closely and very curiously connected with the secret history of another episcopal appointment; and interesting also in its relation to the question, "Who wrote Ikon Basilikė ?” There is an anecdote in Burnet, which, as an exception, the more clearly shews the influence that Sheldon exercised at first in the disposal of bishoprics. At the Savoy conference, it appears, Gauden, Bishop of Exeter, whom the presbyterians claimed as their "most constant helper," had "pressed that a declaration explaining the reasons of their kneeling at the sacrament, which had been in King Edward's Liturgy, but was left out in Queen Elizabeth's time, should be again set where it had once been. The papists were highly offended when they saw such an express declaration made against the real presence; and the duke told me," says Burnet, "that, when he asked Sheldon how they came to declare against a doctrine, which, he had been instructed, was the doctrine of the church, Sheldon answered, 'Ask Gawden about it, who is a bishop of your own making;' for the king had ordered his promotion for the service he had done."+ The great "service," it appears, on which Gauden rested his highest claim, was the forgery of Ikon Basilikè. In return for this, having understood from Morley (as he afterwards declared) that he might have what preferment he chose, he had asked for the bishopric of London. Sheldon, who, as we have before seen, "was by his majesty made a chief trustee to commend to him fit men to supply the then vacant bishoprics," told Dr. Gauden that this was too high a flight at once; and Gauden was appointed to Exeter. "Speedily after his consecration [Dec. 2, 1660,] he left London for his diocese, where his services were greatly needed. He was enthroned in his cathedral on the 11th, and on St. Thomas's-day (Dec. 21st) he addressed from Exeter a letter to Sir Edward Hyde, the lord chan Baxter's Life, p. 363, quoted in Todd's Life of Bishop Walton, vol. i. p. 136. + Burnet's Own Time [1661], vol. i. p. 203. (ed. 1818.) cellor and prime minister." This letter, as Dr. Wordsworth observes,* "taking the circumstances into consideration," "may well be thought, in all its parts, a very extraordinary one;"'t the small extract from it given below may serve as a sufficient specimen of the whole, which is very long, and a melancholy exhibition indeed. "The correspondence," however, "which had been begun with so little delay, was prosecuted in the same spirit. He writes another letter in less than a week after the preceding," Dec. 26; a third, dated Jan. 21; a fourth, Jan. 25; a fifth, Feb. 20; and a sixth, March 6th; all in the same miserable tone. An interval of some months then elapses; but on the "daily reports" of Bishop Duppa's illness, he writes again to the chancellor, Dec. 28; to the Duke of York, Jan. 17; and finally to the king, a letter of which the date is not given. Some time after begins a "new series of correspondence with the Earl of Bristol, the ancient friend but now the bitter antagonist of the lord chancellor;" the first letter bearing date March 20, 1662; the next, March 26; a third, March 27; and a fourth (it would appear), March 31. Then follows a remarkable letter, dated May 1, opening "a scheme" of "latitude and indulgence to all sober dissenters," with which must be compared the letter from Sir Edward Nicholas, dated Jan. 19, 1661, (standing third in the following series,) written, it would appear in reply to one which the bishop had addressed to the king. Taken together, they curiously illustrate Burnet's account of the Declaration which was in hand in 1662, and also the following statement of Kennett's.+ "Gauden," says Kennett, "was capable of underwork. I took it once from the mouth of a very eminent primate,§ that there was, in 1662, a declaration for liberty of conscience, extending to papists, drawn up, and some printed copies of it worked off in a press within Somerset House, though presently called in. And, what was the worst circumstance, the draught of it was framed by a bishop of the church of England, even by Dr. Gauden, then Bishop of Exeter, who had made himself a tool of the court, by the most sordid hopes of greater favour in it." Tool, however, as he was making himself of the court, and of popish politics, it was not, it would appear, till some time afterwards, that the unhappy bishop was made acquainted by the earl with the secret of his religion; this produced a letter, dated July 9, the last of the series, (there is no letter remaining of an intermediate date,) accompanying some "papers," intended, as it would seem, to recover the earl from his errors. Gauden had received his promotion to Worcester May 23rd. "It is a most striking example," Dr. Wordsworth observes,|| " of the vanity of all earthly desires, to know that four short months had not elapsed, after his translation to Worcester, before Gauden was dead.¶ In the midst of his malady, he made an attempt to write to the Earl of * Documentary Supplement to "Who wrote Icon Basilikè ?" p. 7. + For a refreshing contrast, we may refer back to the case of one of those who "had been commended to the king by Dr. Sheldon," and who "particularly was importuned by Sheldon to accept that dignity." Vid. sup. vol. xiii. p. 514. Register, p. 775, quoted by Wordsworth, "Who wrote Ikon Basilikè ?” [Bramhall, qu.?] p. 377. || Page 401. ¶ Aged 57. 263 Bristol, but the agony of his pains forbade. Gladly I would hope that, when he called for the pen and paper, it was in penitence and compunction for what he had done. [Dr. Wordsworth is speaking in reference to the Ikon Basilikè.] But his pain forbade, and he died, as far as we know, without making any confession or reparation to man. Fervently I hope that, before the shadows of the night closed around him, his soul had communion with God; and that the deep groans of an agonized and contrite spirit were heard, and have been registered in heaven. 'Close up his eyes, and draw the curtain close; And let us all to meditation."" On him, indeed, it is not for us to pass judgment; "to his own Master he standeth or falleth;" but the whole story is matter of most serious "meditation" for those in king's courts who would have bishops of their "own making," (to use Sheldon's phrase,) and for those also who would be so made by them. "Dec. 21, 1660.-The Bishop of Exeter to the Lord Chancellor Hyde.* "MY LORD,-Having made a tedious and chargeable journey to Exceter, and having beene received with very great favour and respect from the gentry and people of all sorts; yet, to my infinite regret, I find my feares verified, that it is no preferment, but a banishment of me, not only from my country, freinds, and acquaintance, but from all kind of happines. . . . I make this complaint to your lordship, because you cheifly put mee upon this adventure. . . . Are these the effects of his liberall expressionst who told mee I might have what I would desire? I was too modest and ingenuous, therefore I must perish here among strangers. . . . Let me bee degraded from this unwelcome dignity, and restored, as Dr. Gauden, to my living at Bocking. . . . I presume thus farre to owne my just sense of things to your lordship, because you have oft professed to be my friend, and now may really shew it, at least by some compassion upon, "My Lord, your very humble servant, J. G. "The unhappy Bp. of Exon." Exeter, St. Thomas's-day, 1660. "Dec. 26, 1660.-The Bishop of Exeter to the Lord Chancellor.‡ MY LORD,-I yesterday kept the saddest Christmas-day that ever I did in my life, among strangers, in a place where I have not an house to live in, in a condition that neyther admits an honorable retreate nor any happy advance. It is vaine to cry, O mihi præteritos,' &c. O that I had continued in that sweet and competent privacy of Bocking, where I lived many years as happily as could bee in our publique tragedies!... This is that I feared when I soe oft deprecated the terror of this undertaking, both to your lordship and the now Bishops of London and Worcester.... Dr. Morly once offered me my option, upon the account of som service that hee thought I had done extraordinary for the church and royall family, of which he told mee your lordship was informed. . . . Sunck I am, and daily shall bee more and more. . ... My lord, yf you really have any kindnes for mee, I pray let me see it, for, in * Wordsworth's Documentary Supplement. (No. I.) "This refers to Bishop Morley." Note by Dr. Wordsworth, Ibid. (No. II.) VOL. XV.-March, 1839. 2 M earnest, I never more needed som friend of honor to buoy up my sunck soule... I take my leave, and rest "Your Lordship's humble servant, The sad Bishop of Exeter." Morrow after Christmas-day, 1660. “Jan. 19, 1661.—Sir Edward Nicholas to the Bishop of Exeter.* "MY LORD, His majesty (sic) hath read your letter, and I am commanded by him to give you his thankes for your pious and prudent advise, which he resolves to follow; and doth desire your continuance of it on all occasions. When his affaires are a little better settled, he will find meanes to practise the expedients you hint, to gaine those who are not yet so goode sonnes to the church as he desires they should be. As for your owne particular, he desires you not to be discouraged at the poverty of your bishoprick, (sic) as you find it at present; and if that answer not the expectation of what was promised you, his majesty will take you so particularly into his care that he bids me assure you, you shall have no cause to remember Bocking. . . . Whitehall, January 19th, 1660." [1661.] “Jan. 21, 1661.—The Bishop of Exeter to the Lord Chancellor.↑ MY LORD,--Give me leave once more, in my serenest temper, to expresse my sense of my affaires at Exeter, and my desire . . .. Oh let not mee wither, who was the author, and ventured wife, children, estate, liberty, life, and all but my soule, in so great an atcheivement, which hath filled England and all the world with the glory of it. I did lately present my fayth in it to the Duke of York, and by hym to the King; both of them were pleased to give mee credit, and owne it as a rare service in those horrors of times. True, I played this best card in my hand something too late, else I might have sped as well as Dr. Reynolds, and some others; I did not lay it as a ground of ambition, nor use it as a ladder, thinking myself secure in the just valew of Dr. Morley...." "Dec. 28, 1661.—The Bishop of Exeter to the Lord Chancellor.§ "MY VERY HONOURABLE LORD,-The daily reports of my most reverend friend the Bishop of Winchester's death (decay, Maty) as to bodily strength (whom God preserve and comfort) doth noe doubt give the alarm watchword to many bishopps, especially those of us who have high racks and empty mangers, as expecting by the vacancy of that great sea some advantageous tide to our little freats, frigates, Maty) [freights?] For upon this veinter are we poore bishopps set all our lives; like Pharaoh's leane kine, wee look meagerly and eagerly upon the opulency of others. . . . The king, indeed, hath oft graciously promised me some such instance of hys favour as may be worthy of hys father's glory, and hys own greatnes. . . . I am forced now not to be wanting to myself, nor to rely too much on other men's justice and ingenuity; I now insist much upon what Dr. Morley (now Bishop of Worcester) frankly told me, after the king's first coming to Whitehal, that I might have what preferment I desired .. .... nor doe I doubt but, if your lordship shall please to second mee with your favour, (without whose assistance noe orb moves regularly,) hys majesty will both perform hys royal promise to me, and satisfy my desire, though it should aspire as high as Winchester. . . ." Ibid. (No. III.) + Ibid. (No. IV.) § Ibid. (No. IX.) |