be condemned to slavery on such a principle." It might even be inferred, as a corollary, that all who are not Christians may be lawfully made slaves. But this principle, says the Anti-Slavery Reporter, "is one of those subtle artifices of the West-Indian party, for riveting the chains of their bondsmen, by which good men are sometimes imposed upon." This Number of the Anti-Slavery Reporter was appended to our Number for May 1829. We mention the date both for the convenience of our readers, and in order to shew that the sentiments which we have expressed are not new, but were adopted by others as well as ourselves long ago, and are not now produced captiously in opposition to the particular plan under consideration.

III. The next condition of the enfranchisement is, if it can be brought about with security to life." Now this we must say is not only an unnecessary, but, being unnecessary, is an invidious proviso. It is a clause out of some WestIndian planter's book foisted into the Report of the society by a writer who either knows nothing of the matter, and is swayed by undue reverence for West-Indian statements, or who has indulged in an insinuation which had been more appropriate in Blackwood or John Bull, than in the Report of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Does the writer believe if he does, he is piteously ignorant-that if all the slaves on the society's property were liberated to-morrow, there would, with the least common prudence, be any loss of life, or limb, or of any thing else, except perhaps a night's rest in dancing for joy? If any person has intimated such a suspicion to the Right Reverend prelates and others who conduct the affairs of the society, it could only have been from ignorance, or for the purpose of impeding this great work of Christian duty.

We were about to prove, as well as to assert, this important point, when the Anti-Slavery Reporter (No. 70) reached us; and as it relates to this very subject, and will be appended to our present Number, we shall refer our readers to its facts and arguments for ample evidence, that so far as the conduct of the slave is concerned, no hazard could arise from the most speedy and universal enfranchisement, not only of a few score or hundred individuals on a single property, but of all the slaves in the islands. We earnestly entreat our readers to make themselves masters of the facts and arguments in that most powerful and lucid paper. The advocates of enfranchisement ought to do so, both to quell their own honest fears if from ignorance of the question they have any and to silence the arguments of interested persons who are endeavouring to alarm the public, as if the abolition of slavery would lead to pillage and massacre and every evil work. We will not

weaken the effect of that irrefragable document by any selection of particular facts: it should be read as a whole; and no person who reads it with an unprejudiced mind, will in future entertain those absurd alarms about " life" or "property," which have been conjured up to terrify the British nation from doing their duty. We particularly recommend the paper to the friends of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, as it bears directly on the present question respecting their own slaves. The number of emancipated slaves in Barbadoes has been computed at five thousand; what possible mischief to "life" or "property" could arise from the society's adding a fraction to the number? Individuals constrained by conscience, are from time to time liberating their slaves: we ourselves have been applied to by such persons, and have seen the work effected from purely religious and benevolent motives; yes, and in this very island of Barbadoes: but did any of these liberated slaves ever make incursions on life or property? Were the Codrington estates ever invaded by them? Who ever knew, or cared about their en. franchisement, except their benevolent and Christian benefactors? We are not urging these facts as a precedent and example to the society-though they are a very powerful appeal to the consciences of its members--but only in reply to the panic about "life and property." The official organs of the society might any morning, without even writing out to Barbadoes, appear before the Lord Mayor of London and manumit their slaves; and does any man suppose that the island of Barbadoes would experience the least alarm on the occasion; except, indeed, as the example might prove to them that wise and influential persons in England had begun to emancipate themselves from the thraldom of West-Indian misrepre

sentation.

IV. Another condition of the projected emancipations is, if they can be brought about "with security to property." If by this expression is only meant without riot or theft, the question is answered under the last head. With common prudence nothing of the kind is to be apprehended, even were all the slaves liberated in a body. But the expression is perhaps capable of being twisted by WestIndia prejudice to another meaning, which we rather guard against, than specify as the purport of the writer. It might be alleged to signify that the projected plan of emancipation is to be such as shall put into the coffers of the society the current commercial worth of their disenthralled. bondsman. Suppose, for example, that valuing him at a certain sum, they should allow him a spare day on his being "qualified" by marriage and Christian principles and conduct; and permit him to accumulate his savings, and with them to

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purchase of the society another fraction of his own limbs, and then another, till his whole body was redeemed. Such a plan, years ago, especially while the slave trade was legal, and before the injustice of the whole system of slavery was so fully understood as at present, might have had claims to attention: it might even yet be argued upon in the case of compulsory manumission: but the present case very different; it is not a question relative to the conduct of a commercial company, but of a religious charitable society, whose funds are sacred, and ought not to be contaminated with the price of blood. Whatever the poor man can honestly save is his own, and ought to accumulate in the society's savings bank (we trust the society has at length, after so many remonstrances, instituted one, as government long ago recommended). for his own benefit and the benefit of his family; and most cruel and disgraceful would it be to transfer this poor man's hard earned pittance to the funds of an institution supported by the whole hierarchy, the clergy, the titled and wealthy laity of Great Britain, assisted by the annual largess of the imperial parliament. And, what is worse, it would be sanctioning the unjust title by which he was held in bondage; and instead of setting an example to private individuals, would rather tend to confirm their cupidity, and encourage them in injustice. The only just language which the society can hold to the slave is, "We have no right to your services except as you are willing to afford them for honest wages-whether in the shape of land or money, as may be best: and these we will give you, whether married or unmarried, virtuous or vicious; for if you are vicious, keeping you a slave is not the way to make you virtuous. Will you work or starve? The rule of St. Paul is, If a

a man will not work (not he shall be put into the stocks, but) neither shall he eat; this must be the basis of our arrangement. We will give you work and wages; but the laws are above both you and us, and will be enforced; so that you will not be allowed to commit theft, or to eat the bread of idleness."

We beg leave to remind our readers most explicitly, that in these remarks we do not prejudge the society as intending to put the price of blood into their coffers; their scheme is not yet made public, and the word "property " in the above sentence by no means necessarily conveys this idea; but still we thought it not improper to notice the point, lest there should be any misconstruction of the meaning of the writer of the Report.

It may perhaps be well to invite the attention of the society a little further to this matter of " property." Of what pecuniary value to them are their three or four hundred slaves? Why none, and less than none, so far as we can make

out the very indefinite balance-sheet attached to the account of the Codrington estates. We speak from a knowledge of the society's Reports for a hundred years past, when we say, that, for whatever reason, the fine Codrington property has been an enormous burden and drag upon the institution; as well it might, when a religious society in London undertook to manage a sugar estate in the West Indies, over which it could have no effectual controul, but must see through other eyes and be guided by the local delegates of its authority. The losses on this property have been enormous, and the British public has been called upon at different times to preserve it from insolvency. The matter could not be expected to be otherwise; for what can a board of prelates and clergymen know of the details of sugar planting? Their only practicable scheme was to let the estates, and to make the slaves hired labourers upon them, with proper stipulations as to their instruction and comfort, under a chaplain and schoolmaster appointed by themselves; but this, from deference to colonial prejudices, was not done, and has not even now been done. At length, however, after so many losses and disasters, the estates are out of debt, and alleged to be flourishing; but how stands the balancesheet for the year? The whole sum received by the society from the consignees is 3214. 6s. 2d., while the payments are as follows:-

This sentiment sadly darkens the hopes we had entertained of the society's intentions; or, rather, it would do so, if we did not conceive it to be the unauthorised statement of the writer of the Report, and not of the members of the society; whose duty it is to set an example of what is right, and not to truckle to West Indian prejudices, where the souls and bodies, and the latest posterity of their bondmen are concerned; for which they must one day render a solemn account before the tribunal of God.

VI. The last restriction in the plan of enfranchisement is, that, even under cir cumstances the most favourable, it shall be only a tendency." What is meant by this, we must wait to learn till the society's plan shall be known; but we have no hesitation in saying, that much more than "a tendency" will be required by the friends of the institution, and by the British public. Tendencies may be mere mockery, and may, in a great majority of instances, be wholly defeated. If, for example, it were proposed that only a select class, say married persons of religious character, should be allowed to work out their freedom, instead of having it given them as a right, this might be called a "tendency" to enfranchisement; but how many of the society's three or four hundred Negroes would ever arrive at enfranchisement from it, even allowing one day of liberty being given to begin with? Already are their toils such, espe. cially in crop time, that they need repose, rather than extra labour. The work done in four days, even on the society's estates, is more than, taking the average of tropical climates, would fairly spread out over the six days of the week, leaving the Sabbath for bodily rest. Man cannot labour, and was not intended to labour, under the tropical sun, to the same extent of time and strength as in temperate regions; so that the whole system of West-Indian slavery, which very far oversteps even the limits of European labour, is forced, unnatural, oppressive, and fatal to human life. To say nothing of the incurable injustice of making the slave pay a price for his own limbs, such a plan, unless the "tendency" were far more direct and rapid than appears in the vague notice in the Report, would be of little or no prac tical avail; nay, it would be positively evil, in one respect, by covering up the enormity, and thus impeding its extinction. The reporter talks of effecting "every practicable improvement," but adds that there will be no liability "to the charge of precipitation;" from all which, we fear that the proposed "tendency" is likely to fall far short of the equity of the case, unless, as we trust, the reporter does not do justice to the intentions of the society. But, after all, who is the writer? Who are the parties who are answerable for the arrangements? Why all this mystery? Is

there no responsible committee? Have not the members and subscribers a full right to know what is doing? Ought not also their approbation of the projected plan to be asked for and obtained, before it is finally adopted? Such a society should court, if not publicity, at least the attendance of its own subscribers; and not manage the affairs of a large public body, dependent upon the voluntary bounty of individuals and parliament, as if it were a close corporation, none of whose proceedings were to be whispered, till it is too late to revoke them. We trust that the members of the society will endeavour to learn when the intended measures are to be brought forward before the board, and will be present to give their full and ample discussion.

We have expressed somewhat strongly our disappointment in reading the statements upon which we have remarked, because they seem to us opposed to the spirit which ought to animate the friends of the society; and because, instead of being an honest acknowledgment of past negligence and guilt, and a determination to act as humanity and Christianity demand, for the liberation of these unjustly detained persons, they are a covert palliation of what was wrong and reprehensible, with only just the slightest hope of amendment which the wishes of the public rendered necessary. We shall rejoice to learn that the writer of the Report has misled us, and that much more is intended than appears on the face of it.

Of the present treatment of the society's slaves, nothing is said in the Report. We think it impossible that no correspondence on the subject should have taken place with the attorney, as well as the chaplain, during the last year; but none is given to the members of the society. Has the society received no register of deaths, births, or marriages; no record of the punishments inflicted; or of the measures introduced by the attorney, under the strange necessity to which he is reduced, of being expected to work a West-India sugar farm, with all the machinery of slavery, except, what forms an almost necessary part of it, its severity? He was ordered to lay aside the driving whip; but how then does he enforce labour, except by the substitution of some other punishment? Let not the subscribers be content with amendments upon paper, which are but a jest in Barbadoes. Let them never cease, till wages are substituted, as justice demands, for whips, and stocks, and prisons: and when it shall be as unlawful to strike a Black man, without judicial authority, as a White one. In a word, say or do what the society may, every thing will be inad. equate that comes short of what duty and policy, God and man, alike demand, "complete enfranchisement" and “perfect freedom.” Trivial amendments, honestly

projected in England, but powerless in Barbadoes, may patch up a six months' truce; but the evils will recur and increase; the voice of the public, and of the friends and subscribers, will become louder and louder, till "complete enfranchisement is at length granted. We urge the society, as faithful guardians of a high and holy trust, to grant it at once, while concession is graceful, and before the friends of justice, humanity, and religion are beyond the reach of conciliation. The society rests upon public favour; even the parliamentary grants are but annual and optional, and they have been already partially opposed in both houses; but government and parliament and the friends of Christian missions have stood by the society; which has but to throw itself confidently upon the religious feeling of the members of the church throughout the country, to augment its funds and usefulness to a large extent, under a well-digested system, corresponding to its present large sphere of publicity. The religious part of the Dissenters also, we feel persuaded, will, not grudge the parliamentary largess, conferred for purposes of far higher importance than the sectional interests of any one Christian community. But we must not deny that we perceive a cloud in the horizon it is at present small and distant, and may pass away; but if the painful question of the Codrington estates, for want of wise and timely settlement, should increase the feeling which has gone abroad, and lead to a mass of petitions to parliament on the subject of the society's grant, we fear that there are those in the legislature, if not in the cabinet, who would not be slow to avail themselves of an excuse for withdrawing it under the plea of the public outcry for retrenchment. Religious and charitable objects are usually the first to be affected by ill-judged economy; and every year the national grants for such purposes are being diminished, but usually under the plea, true or false, that the purpose is not fulfilled. Under these circumstances the best patron of a society is the public sense of its value; and with this in its favour, an institution so important, and possessing so many claims to the religious bounty of every member of our church, as that in question, has nothing to fear, if only, so far as human frailty will allow, it pursues its high objects with zeal, and meekness, and piety, and wisdom.

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Since writing the above, we have seen a letter, addressed to his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, on the subject of the Codrington estates, by the Rev. J. Riland, curate of Yoxall, Staffordshire, who is already known to the public as having before invited the attention of the society to this important subject. We have not space at present to analyse the pamphlet, or to quote from it: but it de

serves careful consideration, especially by the members of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, as a powerful and faithful appeal upon this serious question. Mr. Riland had not seen the society's Report just published, but he has alluded, coincidently with ourselves, to some of the sentiments in the former, particularly those apologetic remarks which "transfer the guilt of the White Christians of Barbadoes to the Black heathen stolen from Africa; as though before this alleged importation of vice the colonists were patterns of virtue." From reading Mr. Riland's statements, as well as from the inquiries which are proceeding among the society's district subscribers in various places, we feel the more assured that the society has but one safe and honourable course to pursue, as respects the population upon the Codrington property, and that is as speedily as possible to obliterate the brand of slavery, and to place them upon the just and humane footing of English peasants.

Since writing the above, we have seen a note to a sermon, by the Rev. Mr. Le Bas, in which the writer animadverts upon those who have urged upon the society the state of the Codrington slaves; among whom he is pleased to mention the Christian Observer. We may think it right, in another Number, not having space in the present, to offer a few remarks upon his statements. In the mean time, we impute it to the weakness of his cause, and not to the absence of those courtesies which become a literary and Christian advocate, that so respectable a clergyman has seen fit to eke out his argument with personal charges against those of his brethren who have embarked on this painful question with no possible motive but to promote the cause of piety, humanity, and the real interests of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Such hard words as "calumny," "misrepresentation," " false and odious accu. sation,"" invidious and most inexcusable mistatement,' ," "malignant insinuations," and so forth, neither grace the argument nor the advocate. We forgive them, and will not retort them; though, if we could submit to do so, nothing would be easier : witness, for example, the pro-slavery articles in the British Critic and Christian Remembrancer, not to mention Mr. Le Bas's own statements. It is impossi ble that we can ever coalesce with those who contend that a religious society, or any set of men whatever, have a right to hold their fellow-creatures in slavery: we believe that they have no such right, any more than to commit robbery or murder. If, as a minister of Christ, Mr. Le Bas will state the grounds upon which he maintains this alleged right-we should say this grievous wrong-we will do him the justice to insert his communication. have no wish but to promote the cause of

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