public men with whom I am acquainted, remarkable for a devoted attachment to the interests, the institutions, and the place where Providence has cast his lot. I do not censure him for his local feelings. The Author of our being never intended that creatures of our limited faculties should embrace, with equal intenseness of affection, the remote and the near. Such an organization would lead us constantly to intermeddle with what we would but imperfectly understand, and often to do mischief where we intended good. But the Senator is far from being liable to such a charge. His affections, instead of being too wide and boundless, are too concentrated. Local as his attachment is, it does not embrace all within its limited scope. It takes in but a class even there-powerful, influential, and intelligent, but still a class which influences and controls all his actions, and so absorbs his affections as to make him overlook large portions of the Union, of which I propose to give one or two striking illustrations.

I must, then, remind the Senator that there is a vast extent of our wide-spread Union, which lies south of Mason and Dixon's line, distinguished by its peculiar soil, climate, situation, institutions, and productions, which he has never encircled within the warm embraces of his universal patriotism. As long as he has been in public life, he has not, to the best of my knowledge, given a single vote to promote its interest, or done an act to defend its rights. I wish not to do him injustice. If I could remember a single instance, I would cite it; but I cannot, in casting my eyes over his whole course, call to mind one. Boundless and ardent, then, as is his patriotism, according to his own account, it turns out that it is limited by metes and bounds, that exclude nearly one-half of the whole Union!

But it may be said, that this total absence of all manifestation of attachment to an entire section of the Union, is not to be attributed to the want of an ardent desire to promote its interest and security, but of the occasion to exhibit

it. Unfortunately for the Senator, such an excuse is without foundation. Opportunities are daily and hourly offering. The section is the weakest of the two, and its peculiar interest and institutions expose it constantly to injustice and oppression, which afford many and fine opportunities to display that generous and noble patriotism which the Senator attributes to himself, and which delights in taking the side of the assailed against the assailant. Even now, at this moment, there is an opportunity, which one professing such ardent and universal attachment to the whole country as the Senator professes, would greedily embrace. A war is now, and has been, systematically and fiercely carried on, in violation of the constitution, against a long-standing and widelyextended institution of that section, which is indispensable, not only to its prosperity, but to its safety and existence, and which calls loudly on every patriot to raise his voice and arm in its defence. How has the Senator acted? Has he raised his mighty arm in defence of the assailed, or thundered forth his denunciations against the assailants? These are searching questions. They test the truth of his universal and boasted attachment to the whole country; and in order that the Senate may compare his acts with his professions, I propose to present more fully the facts of the case, and his course.

It is well known, then, that the section to which I refer is inhabited by two races, from different continents, and descended from different stocks; and that they have existed together under the present relation from the first settlement of the country. It is also well known that the ancestors of the Senator's constituents (I include the section) brought no small portion of the ancestors of the African, or inferior race, from their native home across the ocean, and sold them as slaves to the ancestors of our constituents, and pocketed the. price, and profited greatly by the traffic. It is also known, that when the constitution was formed, our section felt much jealousy lest the powers which it conferred should

be used to interfere with the relations existing between the two races; to allay which, and induce our ancestors to enter the Union, guards, that were deemed effectual against the supposed danger, were inserted in the instrument. It is also known that the product of the labor of the inferior race has furnished the basis of our widely-extended commerce and ample revenue, which has supported the Government, and diffused wealth and prosperity through the other section. This is one side of the picture. Let us now turn and look at the other.

How has the other section acted? I include not all, nor a majority. We have had recent proof, during the discussion of the resolutions I offered at the commencement of the session, to what great extent just and patriotic feelings exist in that quarter, in reference to the subject under consideration. I then narrow the question, and ask, How has the majority of the Senator's constituents acted, and especially a large portion of his political supporters and admirers? Have they respected the title to our property, which we trace back to their ancestors, and which, in good faith and equity, carries with it an implied warranty, that binds them to defend and protect our rights to the property sold us? Have they regarded their faith plighted to us on entering into the constitutional compact which formed the Union, to abstain from interfering with our property, and to defend and protect us in its quiet enjoyment? Have they acted as those ought who participated so largely in the profits derived from our labor? No; they are striving night and day, in violation of justice, plighted faith, and the constitution, to divest us of our property, to reduce us to the level of those whom they sold to us as slaves, and to overthrow an institution on which our safety depends.

I come nearer home. How has the Senator himself acted? he who has such influence and weight with his constituents, and who boasts of his universal patriotism and

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it. Unfortunately for the Senator, such an excuse is without foundation. Opportunities are daily and hourly offering. The section is the weakest of the two, and its peculiar interest and institutions expose it constantly to injustice and oppression, which afford many and fine opportunities to display that generous and noble patriotism which the Senator attributes to himself, and which delights in taking the side of the assailed against the assailant. Even now, at this moment, there is an opportunity, which one professing such ardent and universal attachment to the whole country as the Senator professes, would greedily embrace. A war is now, and has been, systematically and fiercely carried on, in violation of the constitution, against a long-standing and widelyextended institution of that section, which is indispensable, not only to its prosperity, but to its safety and existence, and which calls loudly on every patriot to raise his voice and arm in its defence. How has the Senator acted? Has he raised his mighty arm in defence of the assailed, or thundered forth his denunciations against the assailants? These are searching questions. They test the truth of his universal and boasted attachment to the whole country; and in order that the Senate may compare his acts with his professions, I propose to present more fully the facts of the case, and his course.

It is well known, then, that the section to which I refer is inhabited by two races, from different continents, and descended from different stocks; and that they have existed together under the present relation from the first settlement. of the country. It is also well known that the ancestors of the Senator's constituents (I include the section) brought no small portion of the ancestors of the African, or inferior race, from their native home across the ocean, and sold them as slaves to the ancestors of our constituents, and pocketed the. price, and profited greatly by the traffic. It is also known, that when the constitution was formed, our section felt much jealousy lest the powers which it conferred should

be used to interfere with the relations existing between the two races; to allay which, and induce our ancestors to enter the Union, guards, that were deemed effectual against the supposed danger, were inserted in the instrument. It is also known that the product of the labor of the inferior race has furnished the basis of our widely-extended commerce and ample revenue, which has supported the Government, and diffused wealth and prosperity through the other section. This is one side of the picture. Let us now turn and look at the other.

How has the other section acted? I include not all, nor a majority. We have had recent proof, during the discussion of the resolutions I offered at the commencement of the session, to what great extent just and patriotic feelings exist in that quarter, in reference to the subject under consideration. I then narrow the question, and ask, How has the majority of the Senator's constituents acted, and especially a large portion of his political supporters and admirers? Have they respected the title to our property, which we trace back to their ancestors, and which, in good faith and equity, carries with it an implied warranty, that binds them to defend and protect our rights to the property sold us? Have they regarded their faith plighted to us on entering into the constitutional compact which formed the Union, to abstain from interfering with our property, and to defend and protect us in its quiet enjoyment? Have they acted as those ought who participated so largely in the profits derived from our labor? No; they are striving night and day, in violation of justice, plighted faith, and the constitution, to divest us of our property, to reduce us to the level of those whom they sold to us as slaves, and to overthrow an institution on which our safety depends.

I come nearer home.

How has the Senator himself acted? he who has such influence and weight with his constituents, and who boasts of his universal patriotism and

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