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which went to lavish millions; and his opposition had been directed against the bill in general, on account of its extravagance. He never had been in favor of fortifying all the exposed points in the Chesapeake Bay, because they were so numerous. His plan had been to fortify thoroughly below, and to combine the defence by forts with that from floating batteries and the navy.

Besides, the expenditures of the Government in 1818 had been very different from what they were now. The whole expenditure then, exclusive of the public debt, had not exceeded ten millions. It was now twenty-five or twenty-six millions, and yet Mr. C. was accused of inconsistency in opposing, under circumstances so different, an uncalled for extension of our military establishment. The Senator had referred to our experience in the Black Hawk war, as demonstrating an increase of the army to be indispensable. Our experience in that war demonstrated a very different thing. It proved that we should appoint among the Indians faithful agents, who would not stand by and suffer the Indians to be trampled in the dust. And, as to the Florida war, he had recently conversed with a gentleman from the spot, who assured him that nothing occasioned that contest but the very grossest neglect on the part of the Government. General Thompson, our Indian agent, and formerly a member of the other House, when a certain order of the department, in respect to the purchase of negroes, had been received by him, had warmly remonstrated, and had even refused to execute the order, warning the department that it would inevitably provoke a war. The order, however, had been enforced by the authority of the President himself, as Mr. C. understood. In like manner General Clinch had again and again apprised the Government that there would be hostilities on that frontier, unless additional forces should be despatched to strengthen his position. And, as to the miserable Creek war, he believed that the Senators from Georgia themselves would

VOL. 11.3

both admit, that frauds and oppression, beyond all human endurance, had been the real cause of that contest. It was more than human nature would endure. The reptile itself would turn when it was trampled on.

[Mr. Cuthbert of Georgia here interposed with some warmth; but, owing to his distant position, what he said could not be distinctly heard. He was understood, however, to deny the charge as applied to Georgia, and to refer it to the treatment of Indians in Alabama.]

Mr. Calhoun insisted on the truth of the charge. The facts were open, and palpable, and notorious as our own existence. Men had made fortunes by treating those Indians in such a manner as fixed a stain on human nature. Mr. C. again said, that what was wanted to protect us from the Indians, was not more troops, but more faithful agents. The remnants of these native tribes were now a disheartened and broken down people. They had once esteemed themselves the greatest nations on the earth, but they had now become convinced of our strength and their own weakness. The halfbloods among them were partially civilized. They were sensible of the value of property, and very desirous to acquire it. The heavy annuities accruing to their tribes by treaties with the Government, afforded ample security for their remaining peaceable, unless oppressed beyond endurance. Send them fit agents, and you will hear no more of Indian wars.

Mr. C. briefly recapitulated the grounds of argument he had advanced, and observed, in conclusion, that, while the navy was our great arm of defence, all that we needed in the army was, to keep up our military science, and to preserve a well-organized staff. On the latter subject, he had not particularly examined this bill. It was very possible that there might be some necessity for increasing the staff of the army ; and if, on further investigation, he should be convinced of this, and a separate bill should be introduced for that pur

pose, he would very cheerfully yield it his support ; but for the present bill he could not vote.

[Here several other members participated in the debate. Among these, Mr. Linn of Missouri addressed the Senate at considerable length in favor of the bill, concluding with a gloomy account of Indian depredations in the West, and calling earnestly on the Government for the protection which the people of the State had a right to demand.]

Mr. Calhoun again rose and referred to an apparent inconsistency in the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, in which Mr. C. was understood to say, the Secretary had fixed the expense of 5,500 men at about $3,000,000; and of 7,000 men at only $3,800,000. Mr. C. inquired how both these estimates could be correct.

The Senator from Missouri (Mr. Linn), Mr. C. said, claimed protection for the people of that State. It was Mr. C.'s object to give them protection ; and if Mr. L. would join him in procuring the appointment of honest, skilful, and faithful Indian agents, such protection might be secured, or at least rendered unnecessary. And in an open country, he said, a very small white force, with artillery and cavalry, could overthrow any Indian force that might be brought against them.

It had been mentioned as a difficulty, that the regiments of the army would not be kept full enough. Mr. C. thought it a much better remedy for this difficulty to increase the pay of the troops, rather than to increase the nominal number. The measures of this Government, he said, had disturbed and embarrassed the currency of the country, raised the prices of the means of living, and the wages of such as miyht be employed in the army; and now, in order to obviate all this, it was proposed to increase the army with 5,500 men. Mr. C. insisted that this was no adequate remedy. The cause of the evil lay deeper-in the past measures of the Government,

and the consequent increase of banks, which would still increase and swell the currency, till an explosion would be inevitable, without a timely remedy.

Mr. C. deemed the troops already in service as ample to defend that frontier. The Indians, he said, were a poor, broken down, dissipated people, and all that was wanted was faithful and skilful Indian agents. He thought they ought to be left to themselves in relation to wars between them and the Indians further west. If not allowed to go to war when they thought proper, they would all die of drunkenness. He would let them go to war, and drive the wild Indians still further west. In every view of the bill, Mr. C. regarded it as objectionable, and hoped it would not pass.


On the joint Resolution in reference to the Madison

Papers, made in the Senate, Feb. 20th, 1837.

[The joint resolution for making an appropriation for the purchase of the manuscript papers of the late President Madison, relative to the proceedings of the convention who framed the Constitution of the United States, being under consideration]

MR. CALHOUN said, this resolution from the Committee on the Library proposed to appropriate $30,000 to accomplish the object proposed. The facts, he said, were these: Mr. Madison, under the impression that these papers would be favorably received by the Public, and by Publishers, had levied several legacies upon them, one of some thousands of dollars to the Colonization Society, and some smaller ones to other public charities, in addition to some private bequests. But, so far from his anticipations having been realized, it seemed that Mrs. Madison was unprepared to run the risk of

publishing them at all, and on this account had applied to the President in relation to them. He had recommended to Congress to purchase them; and the Committee on the Library had consequently made this report.

Every one, Mr. C. said, was ready to render to the memory of Mr. Madison all possible respect. But the questions involved in this case were of a constitutional character, and it was therefore impossible for Mr. C. to vote for the proposition. The question was, Have Congress the right to make this appropriation ? The constitution gives Congress the power to lay and collect taxes to pay the debts of the Government, and to provide for the common defence and general welfare. It was under this provision of the constitution that Mr. C. understood this appropriation was to be made.

In reference to this clause of the constitution, there had long been a diversity of opinion. From the very commencement of the Government, the two great parties in the country were divided upon it. One of these parties conceived that, by these words in the constitution, Congress had the right, in promoting the general welfare, to appropriate money to any and every object which they believed would be conducive to the promotion of the general welfare. The other party, at the head of which was Mr. Madison himself, believed this power was limited by the constitution, and that Congress have no right to make an appropriation, unless authorized to do so by a specific provision of the constitution. These two schools had existed from an early stage of the Government to the present time. Mr. Madison, in his celebrated report of 1799, had given his views on the subject, in the most clear and conclusive language, which required not one word from Mr. C. He would ask the Secretary to read the passage on the 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th, and 27th pages of the report.

[The Secretary then read the passage indicated by Mr. Calhoun.] Here, Mr. C. said, Mr. Madison, by a very able argument

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