ing out of the rebellion, and that his death was in no degree accelerated by his imprisonment. Mr. Thompson had complained that during the insurrection in Jamaica, the judge had sat with his head hidden in his hand, and simply asked whether the slaves brought in were taken with arms in their hands-and if answered in the affirmative, ordered them out to immediate execution. But did not Mr. Thompson know the nature of the rebellion that was then raging in the island? That the wives and daughters of the families were subjected to the most horrible atrocities? Mr. Thompson had given a beautiful description of the wretched inmates of a lunatic asylum,—but would Mr. Thompson in his tender mercy, give them immediate emancipation, would he turn them adrift?-('No, no,'cheers and hisses.) If not, why then Mr. Thompson would keep them in salutary confinement, and that was exactly what he (Mr. Borthwick) said of the slaves. It would be the greatest possible unkindness to give immediate freedom to the slaves; for if they were so liberated, they would be exposed to the villany and deceit of every one whom they met with. (Hisses and cheers.) The slaves were now provided for, and how did Mr. Thompson mean to compensate them for depriving them of the comforts they now enjoyed? (Cries of 'give them freedom-cheers and hisses.) Freedom,-ay,—they heard much of freedom. (A burst of disapprobation followed by cheers.) They were told that freedom would make up for every thing;—what was freedom?-Was it to be coerced at the point of the bayonet? (Hisses and cheers.) Let the anti-slavery society show that the liberated negroes in St. Domingo were happier or better in consequence of their freedom, or that there was no slavery in the East Indies and they would do something for their causebut until they did so, they had better be silent. He had now noticed more,—a great deal more in Mr. Thompson's lecture than was even in the shape of argument. He had not contradicted Mr. Thompson in the course of his lecture; but Mr. Thompson and his friends had interrupted him repeatedly in the course of his, and every such interruption, he (Mr. Borthwick) regarded as an admission of the weakness of their cause. (Cheers and disapprobation.) Mr. Borthwick then read an extract from a letter written

by the late Mr. Huskisson, stating that the history of the world did not present an instance of such rapid improvement, as that exhibited by the West India colonies. (Cries of 'Oh! oh!' and much laughter and cheering.) He then again accused his opponent of unfairness and ungentlemanly conduct, and asked the meeting what they thought of the constant interruptions he had experienced, the propriety of Mr. Thompson's putting the question to a show of hands, and of a chairman, who, when such question was put, held up both his hands in support of it. (Cheers and hisses.) It had been shown that free labor was not practicable in the West Indies;-it had also been shown by sufficient testimony that it was inconsistent with the condition of things in the East Indies in the present condition of the human mind, that free labor should produce the tropical fruits of the earth. Would they throw away colonies which produced seven millions annually to the revenue in direct taxation? Would they refuse all intercourse with the planters who took their goods at a rate of from 55 to 60 per cent. dearer, than they could get them elsewhere? (Oh! oh!') How did it happen that the Anti-Slavery Society, who were such friends to morality, religion, and humanity, exulted in the late rebellion, during which such atrocities had been committed? (Cheers and hisses.) Why did they compare the rebels to the Bolivars, the Brutuses, and the Napoleons, (laughter) and the Tells? The opposite party had opposed nothing to his arguments but ridicule and clamor, and every interruption was a proof that their cause was beaten. (Cheers and hisses.) Mr. Thompson had said in reference to the report of the Wesleyan Missionaries of Jamaica, that the Rev. Mr. Young had repudiated that report, but Mr. Young had affixed his name to it, and if he said one thing in Jamaica and another in London, that was sufficient to prove what credit was due to Mr. Young. Mr. Borthwick then admitted that the burning of the Baptist chapels in Jamaica was very wrong, and could not be justified, but excused it on the ground of momentary irritation, excited by the universal belief that the Baptists had been chiefly instrumental in the rebellion. He then accused Mr. Thompson of impiety in mixing up passages of Scripture with quotations from Byron and Shakspeare, and in liken

ing himself to the Messiah, when he offered to take upon himself all the guilt of England from the time of Elizabeth down to the present day; and concluded by challenging Mr. Thompson, or any agent of the Anti-Slavery Society, to a public discussion,-each speaker half an hour at a time, the question to be decided by the audience at the conclusion of the debate, and all the expenses to be defrayed by the West Indian body.

Mr. BORTHWICK concluded his lecture at half-past ten o'clock, and the meeting separated soon afterwards, having previously attempted to raise cheers for Mr. Ewart, Lord Sandon, and other individuals.

MR. THOMPSON'S THIRD LECTURE.

Extracts from Mr. Thompson's third Lecture in reply to Mr. Borthwick.

On Thursday evening, September 6, Mr. G. THOMPSON delivered his third lecture on the Evils of Colonial Slavery, in the Amphitheatre, Liverpool, to an audience as numerous and respectable as that on any previous evening, at half-past six o'clock.

SAMUEL HOPE, Esq., took the chair, and exhorted the meeting to give their patient, candid, and silent attention. As an additional motive for their indulgence towards Mr. Thompson, he stated that that gentleman had been laboring for some time under severe indisposition, not unattended with alarming symptoms, a fact which he (the chairman) stated on his own responsibility, not having consulted with Mr. Thompson himself on the subject.

Mr. THOMPSON then rose, and was received with much applause. He spoke to the following effect,-Ladies and Gentlemen,-in appearing once more before you on the present occasion, I beg to announce that I have determined on the adoption of a line of conduct to-night, which I trust will be at once as agreeable to you, and equally creditable to myself, as that which I adopted when I had last the honor of appearing before you. I have thought since that night, that it is not justice to the injured negro, whose cause I have the honor to plead,—that it is not just to the various and momentous topics involved in the consideration of the question now before us,—that it is not just to so large and intelligent an auditory as that now before me, or those which I have had the honor of seeing before me on former occasions,-nor is it just to myself, constantly to discuss this question in reference to particular individuals who may from time to time stand forward as advocates of other views than those which I felt it my conscientious duty to adopt. I, therefore, shall to-night, with your kind permission, leave out of sight both myself and the gentle

man who on two several occasions, has advocated the other side of the question, and come at once to the discussion of those topics which I think of deeper interest and higher moment than any thing that can concern me, a humble individual, or any thing that can possibly affect the gentleman who appears on the other side. (Applause.) However, Ladies and Gentlemen, before I come to that line of argument, which I have marked out for myself tonight, I shall just glance at one or two statements, made on Friday night, for the purpose of clearing the way before us. It was then stated that we ought to leave this great question to the Committees of the House of Lords and the House of Commons, whose reports are not yet before the public. Now I humbly submit that we have had quite enough experience of the efficiency of reports sent forth by the House of Commons, and by the House of Lords; quite enough of such committees. Parliamentary speeches and reports, and their efficiency, call upon us most imperatively not to waste a moment, either whilst the committees are sitting, or the reports printing and circulating, knowing that the great measure of emancipation has never been advanced a single step by any thing like a voluntary movement of Parliament, but always in obedience to the impulse of public opinion. (Hear, hear.) We have had quite sufficient experience to guide us on the present occasion, without any such delay; with volumes upon volumes before us, touching the character and operations of slavery, why should we waste a single moment till these reports are laid before the British public? [Applause.] Surely it will not be contended, even by the most zealous supporter of slavery, that we have yet to learn what slavery is? On the showing of my friend himself, we can learn the ancient history of slavery from the Scriptures; we can learn the modern history of slavery from every one who has been in the West Indies; and yet, with this accumulation of evidence from past and present ages, we are called upon to delay expressing our opinion on the subject, until the House of Commons and the House of Lords have put us in possession of fresh information! We shall be glad to add that to our stock of information; but surely we are not to wait till that information is laid before us. [Applause.] I beg to make another remark in reference to an illustration