quickly but these men (the Rand miners) are out for money, and that makes all the difference."

I learnt many lessons while in South Africa, but the chief was this supremacy of 'spiritual independence' over all other human forces. The old story of Alexander and the Brahman came often to my mind.-"Do you not know that I can kill you?" said Alexander. "Kill me ?" said the Brahman. "You can cut me into a thousand pieces but I myself am beyond. your reach. The Atman is immortal."

That was just what I felt, day by day, out there in South Africa. Yes! The Atman was immortal! The message of the Upanishads, that man's deliverance comes through realisation of the Atman, assumed for me a new and living meaning. All other forces were recklessly and gloriously put on one side by the Indian leader. Spiritual courage was alone relied on; and in the end it achieved its triumph. The victory was certain; for the pure human spirit is in essence one with the divine. This alone gives the clue to mortal existence. Without this all life becomes chaos and despair.

I hardly dare to speak what I know and feel about the leader of the struggle. His spiritual realisation in action has been so complete, during all these years of conflict and imprisonment, that I long merely to bow my head in silence and thus express my reverence. I have seen through him the victory of the atman, and my own life has become stronger and purer from the vision. He has not grown stern and hard under the suffering he has endured, as well he might; indeed, it was his tenderness for the weak and down-trodden and the sinful that made my heart go out to him no less than his courage for the Truth. One afternoon I had been discussing with him some point in an academic fashion, scarcely considering what I was saying. I had been arguing that, even if the indentured coolie did not get his immediate release, we might still come to tolerable terms with General Smuts,-if, for instance, the coolies were merely required to pay the poll-tax for two or three years longer. I do not know why I was making such a theoretical proposition, for it was not a practical issue. Suddenly I saw from the pain in Mr. Gandhi's face how seriously he had taken my carelessly cruel words. "Rather than that", he cried, "we should

be ready to go to prison ourselves for the rest of our days! Should we, who have all the comforts of life and of freedom, stand aloof and ask the coolies to bear all the burden? Rather than that, we should offer to pay the whole sum ourselves, even though it ruined us! Yes! That would be a beautiful deed! But the other would be unthinkable."

It was not so much the words themselves as the spirit which accompanied them that stirred me deeply. I was wholly ashamed of myself for setting forward even in theory the idea I had propounded. I saw there the tenderness of his nature. And many times also I have watched him hearing the bitter complainings of some poor coolie woman or ignorant man whom I myself would have treated with impatience. I owe him this debt of gratitude, that he showed me all unconsciously by his own silent example, the fulfilment in action of those ideals which as a Christian I longed, to realise.

And I owe him personally something still more intimate. The incident with which I conclude shows in so clear a light the high character of the Indian struggle that I must not refrain on personal grounds from speaking about it, though it is difficult to do so. I have related earlier in my letter how I told Mr. Gandhi that I was ready to go with him on the march, if it should begin again. I was quite eager to do this. Then there came at once to my mind the promise I had made to my mother that I would make every haste back to England to see her in her weakness. This would not be possible if I courted imprisonment and the promise was sacred. I was torn by two conflicting duties, each of which appeared to be imperative. It seemed to me on the one hand a cowardly thing to advise the Indian community to renew the struggle, and then to shrink myself from the consequences.

My whole nature revolted against such a course. But on the other hand there was the promise given to my Mother, and that promise was sacred.

I went to Mr. Gandhi. He replied emphatically and without a moment's hesi tation that my Mother's promise must. come first. "We Indians", he said, "would all feel that, in giving you up to see your Mother in her weakness and old age, we were true to our own Indian nature. Not one of us would wish you to do anything

else. You must go at the time appointed, and see her; and you will take to her from all of us our deep reverence. She is as our own Mother to us. And you know how we are taught by our Shastras, that a word once promised to a father or mother is sacred beyond any recall."

My doubts were ended by that immediate decision of my friend. I knew that no Indian would ever misunderstand me, if I did not stay. They would all put a

Mother's promise first, as I myself desired to do.

Even at the time we were speaking, though we little knew it, my Mother her. self was at the point of death. I have the happiness, on looking back, to remember that through the loyalty of my friend and the support he gave to my own best instinct, I did not, even in thought, break the promise I had given to my Mother. Bolpur. C. F. ANDREWS.

TH

HE India Council Bill as introduced by Lord Crewe into the House of Lords seems to have aroused very bitter comments in the Anglo-Indian press, who almost as a body are opposed to the bill. They seem to dread that if Lord Crewe is allowed to have his way in this matter and the bill becomes law, the great autocrat who today presides over the India Council in London will have have succeeded in producing a number of other autocrats, who would simultaneously so act as to paralyse the executive in India. We have seen it reported that there is no wish on the part of the Secretary of State for India to do anything of that character. But this is all beside the point. What does it matter to an Indian whether he is autocratically governed from Delhi and Simla or from London? Then again, so long as the autocracy is there, why should it be felt peculiarly irritating to the Indian. if one autocrat deposes another or the chief autocrat should produce a number of other men possessing his powers and responsibilities? These considerations of a paramount nature seem to have been wholly ignored by the writers in the Indian press and this is why the deplorable spectacle of Indian publicists playing into the hands of their Anglo-Indian contemporaries is prominent today in connection with the discussion on the India Council Bill. The object of this paper is to warn the Indian press to exercise a little better discretion and wisdom in making a com

mon cause with Anglo-Indians on a question of such grave importance. It ought to be quite obvious to Indian publicists that Lord Crewe in making provision for the selection of the two Indian members of the India Council from among the chosen representatives of the Indians is proposing to make a conspicuous departure from the existing practice of nominating Indians, who may be deemed to be adequately convenient by the executive. Lord Crewe is in fact endeavouring to extend the British system to India by providing for the selection of two Indians to his Council from among a number of the men elected by the nonofficial members of the various legislative Councils in India. This is in my opinion a wholesome departure that will go ultimately to help the cause of self-government within the empire, which is the ultimate goal of progressive India. The chief executive of the United Kingdom is the Cabinet and the members of the Cabinet are selected from amongst the members of Parliament, who are the elected representatives of the people generally. The proposals of Lord Crewe strike me as so closely similar to that practice and therefore so fraught with great possibilities in the future that personally speaking I am much enamoured of it and am inclined to view with regret the support that my countrymen are unthinkingly giving to the opponents of the measure, who are clever enough to damn the bill

on other grounds and are thus concealing the real motive of their hostility to the measure. I wish therefore to place this view of the measure before my countrymen and to beg them to consider if their love for idealism and theory is greater than their love for the extension of the country's welfare in practical and material directions. As an academic discussion it is really immaterial whether my countrymen agree with so and so that departmentalism is bad or wicked in such and such quarters. But it becomes irritatingly painful when one sees that the academic inclination or love of criticism is allowed to work so injuriously to the best interests of the country. I for one do make bold to say that I do not mind if departmentalism and the red-tape illness get a promotion from Delhi to London, provided that in the bargain we Indians receive a share, valued and substantial. I see no reason to so grumble as to lose a substantial dose of valued rights and privileges simply because there is a chance of an occasional tug of war between Delhi and London or because the great Moghul of London is about to reproduce his kind plentifully and that at one single jump. I have not studied Western materialism for nothing and I confess I mean in my conduct of life to so spitefully take advantage of every possible opportunity to uplift my country and to expand my Countrymen's opportunities for larger and larger enjoyment of this world's powers and responsibilities as to earn the applause of even the very men from whom those fields and opportunities are snatched away. There is really a very vast field of activity for the progressive and constitutional party of our countrymen and it ought to be our anxious concern to see that every chance and opportunity of well

being is tightly grasped without loss of time. The present opportunity afforded by Lord Crewe's India Council Bill is a valued and great privilege and I wish my countrymen should see that the offer is pocketed with grateful thanks. But unless India and the Indians do support the Bill with all their strength it is idle to expect that the Bill would pass as it is. Anglo-India is already advertising that the Bill has no friend in India and the danger is that the Lords might on the strength of this outcry so change the giving the proposed valued privilege to Bill as to drop altogether the provision India. This aspect of the possibility ought not to be lost sight of by our people. I am not one of those who hate criticism, dissatisfaction and discussion. In fact, it is my political creed that a people who feel satisfied with their existing lot and surroundings and opportunities, are politically a dead race. So I wish dissatisfaction to live and to expand in this quiet land of ours and I wish every Indian to cultivate the great virtue of restlessness and sensitiveness. But I must say I want this with a view to get still more liberties for my people. If a dissatisbetter opportunities, greater privileges and faction that robs me or my people of a golden opportunity that is already within sight comes before me, I would consider it my honest duty to advise my people to look ahead for some moments and with all their strength to subdue the national virtue of restlessness, criticism and dissatisfaction so as to gain the proffered chance. That opportunity has now arisen and I very much wish my countrymen to exercise that discretion with a view to get hold of the privilege Lord Crewe so nobly wishes to confer on our people.

SYED H. HUSAIN.

HE name Krupp and the famous Krupp iron and steel are known far and wide amongst the civilised countries of the world. The centenary celebration of that firm took place last year in the

month of August amidst great eclat and the enthusiasm of its many thousands of labourers and officers.

In the year 1811 Friedrich Krupp of Essen established for the first time in

Germany the manufacture of steel known as English cast steel. During the first year of its existence the works did not give the desired results and success. A hard competition ensued between this and the imported steel and the German firm got worse. But this was only the beginning of a sure future footing.

On the 26th April 1812 was born Alfred Krupp-the son of Friedrich Krupp-who in later years played such an important part in guiding and developing this firm towards wonderful success. In 1818 the firm had built a new big structure

which stands as a monument of success up to the present day. On the death of the old Friedrich Krupp in 1826 there came another sudden standstill and the works sustained some losses. At this critical moment Alfred Krupp, then only a lad of 14 years old, took a bold step and took up his father's works.

Luckily however things took a better turn and gradually the works began to prosper. The indefatigable energy and earnestness of purpose of the young Krupp and the wise control, guidance and experience of his trusted men brought about a revolution later on in the iron and steel industry of the world. Every man of industry knows the prominent

position the Krupp works hold now, as the pioneer and developer of high class iron and steel in the world's trade.

Besides these achievements of Krupp's iron and steel factories, one hears now of their owning three gun and rifle ranges, three coal mines, numerous iron ore works, three smelting works and many other concerns allied with this particular industry. The works employ 70,000 hands in the Friedrich Alfred smelting works in Reinhausen, the steel works in Witten in Westfalen, the casting works in Magdeburg and extensive works at Kiel.

On the death of Alfred Krupp on 14th July 1887, his son Fritz Krupp took up the works in his own hands. On his death again, he leaving no male heir, the proprietorship went to the eldest daughter Bertha. Soon after this the concern was converted into a limited liability company of 180 million marks (132 crores of Rupees) capital. In 1906 Bertha married Gustav von Bohlen and Halbach and he is the present managing director of the whole Krupp concerns.

Krupp iron and casting for different industries of railway and naval engineering and their special steel for armoury, ammunition, &c., are still to be beaten. A. GHOSH.

NCLUDING 'Rasa' which is the Great

ING

Taste and 'Chhanda' which is Rhythm, we get the following Eight instead of six limbs for our art of Painting.

(a) 'Rasa' the Great Taste; (b) Chhanda, Rhythm; (1) Rupabheda, Difference of visual forms and the knowledge of appearance; (2) Pramanani, correct perception, proportion, measure and structure of forms; (3) Bhava, Idea, action of feelings on forms; (4) Lavanya Yojanam, Infusion of grace and artistic quality; (5) Sadrisya, Similitude; (9) Varnika

bhanga, Artistic manner of using the brush and colours.

As I hope to publish a fuller account of the above eight Laws of Painting soon, I will in the present article restrict myself to the limit of pointing out the great similarity of thought in India and China with reference to the philosopy of the two sets of art-canons now before us. To facilitate clear explanation, the art of Japan as influenced by the older Chinese artphilosophy will give us more help than the art of China itself.

Let us first of all take Rasa or the great taste. Mammata Bhatta, the author of Kavyaprakasha, defines Rasa as the great taste: 'Brahma-svadam iva anubhavayan' i. e., as if elevating our spirit by giving it a taste of greatness. We find that Ki-in of the Japanese art conveys the same idea as this Rasa-"Ki-in, that indefinable something which in every great work suggests elevation of sentiment, nobility of soul" (Vide Page 83, On the Laws of Japanese Painting, Henry P. Bowie.)

Besides, it is said of Rasa that 'Sa cha na karya, napi jnapya' it can neither be demonstrated nor defined, produced or expressed, according to the author of Kavyaprakash. Rasa is felt, as if palpitating before us-'Pura iva parisphuran'; as if entering and filling our heart-Hridayam iva prabisan'; permeating our whole body-'Sarvanginam iva alingan'; as if causing everything else to vanish altogether-'anyat sarvamiva tirodadhat. Speaking about the Ki-in of Japanese art, Mr. Bowie has said-"From the earliest times the great art writers of China and Japan have declared that this quality...

can neither be imparted nor acquired (Sa cha na karya, napi jnapya). It is akin to what the Romans meant by divinus afflatus, that divine and vital breath which vivifies...the work and renders it immortal" (Hridayam iva prabishan, etc.).

After the Rasa comes 'Chhanda' or Rhythm. Chhanda literally means that which gives Alhada' elation (vide Sabdakalpadruma). Chhanda is that which makes everything move rhythmically in joyous exultation. Therefore Chhanda in one sense is Hladini sakti. In the second chapter, sloka 59 of Panchadasi, Sakti is mentioned as moving the otherwise inactive spirit.

"Satvattamasrita sakti kalpayet sati vikriya, Varna bhittigata bhittau Chitram nana vidham yatha."

Satva (the spirit) remains passive until Sakti resting on it transforms and gives it movement. Like this white wall the spirit is colourless, motionless. Sakti is the multicoloured picture resting on a white wall. As those paintings give life and movement to the otherwise dead wall, so the colourless and motionless Satva is made to appear as moving and living by the power of this Sakti which gives movement and colour and form. Acting on Sat

(spirit) the Sakti creates Rhythmic and living movement.

'Hladinya sambit alistya sachchidananda Isvara'-adhering to the Rhythmic stimulation of Hladini Sakti, Isvara is existent, exultant, active and moving. The great spirit which is inactive and invisible, Sat, appears as chit and ananda, (moving and living) elated as it were by the vivifying influence of Hladini Sakti (Rhythmic and living stimulus).

In fact Chhanda-Rhythm-is the lifemovement (chit) and the elation (ananda) of the spirit (Sat). The explanation given by Mr. Okakura of the first canon of the Chinese Painting Chinese Painting unmistakably suggests Chhanda or the Hladini Sakti.

"The life movement of the spirit through the Rhythm of things.........The great mood of the Universe moving hither and thither amidst the harmonic laws of matter which are Rhythm." (Vide page 52, Ideals of the East, Ökakura).

Law of Sei-do of Japanese art probably means our Chhanda or Chhand.........“This is one of the marvellous secrets of Japanese painting handed down from the great Chinese painters and based on the psychological principle-matter responsive mind" (Vide page 78, On the Laws of Japanese Painting, Henry P. Bowie).

to

Now we come to Rupabheda, difference of visual forms and the knowledge of appearances, the first of our six limbs of painting. It is stated in Panchadasi, chapter 6th, Sloka 5, that

'Brahmadya stambha-paryanta Praninotra jada api, Uttamadhama bhavena vartante Patachitravat'. All forms, great or small, living or non-living are grouped throughout the universe according to the hierarchy of things.

This thought of the Vedanta is repeated in the Chinese 5th canon of painting.

'Disposer les lignes et leur attribuer leur place hierarchique' (Vide Page 89, La Philosophe de la nature dans l'art de 1' Extreme Orient. Petrucci). "Composition and subordination or Grouping according to the hierarchy of things," (Vide page 12, The flight of the Dragon, L. Binyon).

According to the Upanisads the formless one is revealed to us in the following different manners :

'Yathadarse tathatmani, Yatha Svapne tatha Pitriloke, Yathapsu pariva dadrise tatha Gandharvaloke, Chhayatapayoriva Brahmaloke' (Kathopanisad).