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engaged in it, on the French side, in a position fearfully immoral. The faithful discharge of their duty (if it may be so termed) as soldiers, compelled them to violate the laws of God and man. They were members of a vast army poured into the Peninsula to effect the will of one bad man. The assault was unprovoked ; and they had not one just object in view. Every act, therefore, even within the limits of what is usually called honorable warfare, was, in them, dishonorable. But farther, - the system which Bonaparte pursued in this, as in other wars, aggravated their guilt, and drove them to the commission of crimes which no code, divine or human, ever tolerated. His plan was to outnumber his opponents at first, and then to make the disparity greater by destroying as many of them as possible. For the support of his armies he made comparatively little provision, but left them to get their subsistence as they best could, from the country where they were quartered. Must not the professed apologist of Napoleon grant that these well-known and generally admitted facts, prepare us to believe the fearful tales which are told of men so situated ? In a bad cause, in which they were ordered to sustain themselves in a worse way, it is at least credible that their excesses would be extreme. But we do not presume to rely on general principles like these, to bear us out in the language of reprobation, in which we have spoken of the conduct of the French officers and soldiers in this war; we will substantiate the charges by a more distinct specification of them, and only regret that our limits will not allow us to do it more in detail. We might make out a long list of VIOLATIONS OF GOOD FAITH, including falsehoods and misrepresentations, from the entrapping of Ferdinand, and then through the whole development of the system; in the use of forged papers; the repeated issuing of deceptive proclamations by Junot, Ney, Suchet, and others ; Lasnes' breach of his solemn pledge to Palafox, Massena's false report of the action on the Coa, and, more generally, the studiously perverted accounts of battles, the numerous gross misstatements of the progress of the war, and of the condition of the respective parties, published in France and Spain, all in furtherance of the same systematic perfidy. And, then, how numerous are the instances of their atrocious BARBARITIES, their murders in cold blood, the needless slaughters after battles and sieges, the cruel manner in which they put to death, the outrages they committed for

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the gratification of their brutal lusts, and all the other foul deeds in which ferocity and inhumanity could manifest themselves. Under this head we have especially in view the edicts of the French government to destroy the Spanish armies by carnage, the conduct of Murat at Madrid, of Lefebre Desnouettes at Tudela, of Duhesme at Mataro and in Catalonia, of Bessieres at Rio Seco, of Cassagne at Jaen, of Dupont in Catalonia, Loison at Zaragossa, Pego, and Regoa, Sebastiani at Ciudad Real, Ney at Soria and in Galicia, Lasselle near Talavera, Suchet at Tarragona, and again near Barcelona, Victor at Medullin, Marmont near Salamanca, and Soult in Portugal. The last named general, when his officers had shown some reluctance to perform the horrible work required of them, complained to his government of “their moral debility,” meaning that weakness of conscience and of nerves, which shuddered at the perpetration of certain atrocities, and desired that, in future, the officers sent to serve under him should be

impassible.We might readily extend this enumeration, were it necessary to establish our positions ; but volumes would not suffice to make it complete, and we pass to a third count of the indictment- their ROBBERIES, including pillages, and unlawful seizures of private property; and we call up in support of the charge the following instances, as they are set forth in our author :-in chapter fifth, Duhesme's pillage of Mataro; in chapter tenth, Kellermann's exactions ; in chapter fourteenth, Ney's three days' pillage of Soria, and the pillages at Madrid ; in chapter sixteenth, the account of the discharge of their debts by bills on Spanish America, to be paid when the French should get possession of it, and afterwards of the plunder of Corunna, of Soult's predatory_Tartar warfare in Galicia, Victor's systematic pillage at Talavera, Suchet's system of raising money in Aragon, and the exactions and oppressions everywhere practised for satisfying their rapacities. Whoever has read any faithful history of these campaigns must know, that we have not cited more than one out of a thousand of the various enormities which were committed by these invaders — and committed, too, not in the way of the inevitable calamities of war, but characterized by outrages and wickednesses peculiarly their own.

It may be objected, that for our facts we have used the authority of an avowed and violent opponent of Bonaparte and his adherents, and that they ought therefore to be received with great allowances. Some weight would be due to this objection, if we had taken up the subject in a political or military point of view; but as we have done it wholly in a moral one, we may confidently assert that in that relation the testimony of a writer of Mr. Southey's integrity cannot be impeached. Greater labor can have been bestowed by no historian in inquiring into facts, than he bestowed upon the history of this war; and we learn from the conclusion of the work, that it was written under a solemn sense of his responsibility.

“My task,” says he, “is ended here ; and if in the course of this long and faithful history it should seem that I have anywhere ceased to bear the ways of Providence in mind, or to have admitted a feeling or given utterance to a thought, inconsistent with glory to God in the highest, and good-will towards men, let the benevolent reader impute it to that inadvertence or inaccuracy of expression, from which no diligence, however watchful, can always be secure; and as such, let him forgive what, if I were conscious of it, I should not easily forgive in myself.”

We are well aware that the foregoing view of the character and conduct of Bonaparte but ill accords with the world's estimate ; at the same time we know not how a different one can be entertained, when his deeds are tried by the test of Christian morality and the laws of humanity. To this test it has been our aim to bring them; and, in so doing, we hoped to revive a higher tone of moral and religious feeling in regard to one of the most important topics of the age, upon which a fearful laxity of principle has been manifested by men of all classes. It has been so common to think and speak of this man as the “great emperor," and of his companions a3 “ sons of glory,” that it may seem idle ever to expect to see the prestige removed ; and so it certainly is, unless the Christian standard of right and duty is more widely admitted as the only true one.

Whenever that blessed period shall arrive, it will surely bring with it a solemn reversal of the apotheosis which the present age has decreed to its idol.

ART. VIII.— A Classical Dictionary; containing an Account of

the Principal Proper Names mentioned in Ancient Authors, and intended to Elucidate all the Important Points connected with the Geography, History, Biography, Mythology, and Fine Arts of the Grceks and Romans ; together with an Account of Coins, Weights and Measures, and Tabular Values of the same. By CHARLES Anthon, LL.D., Jay-Professor of Columbia College. New York: 1841. Harper and Brothers. One volume, royal octavo, pp. 1420.

We run little risk, we think, in asserting the work before us to be the greatest of laborious scholarship that the American classical press has as yet put forth, or American scholar prepared. “Our heading already indicates that we owe it to the unwearied, learned industry of the classical Professor of Columbia College, one whose name and works have so often given subject to our more critical columns; but whose past labors, however Herculean we may have deemed some of them, sink, and are distanced by the greater one he has now accomplished. The amount of labor and varied learning involved in it are alike, to our feeble eyes, enormous ; and when to this we add, that it comes from the

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of one whose daily academic duties* are such as would crush ordinary powers of endurance; we confess, that we think the "oak and triple brass" must lie in his frame, to have enabled him to compass it, as well as in his heart, to lead him to undertake it. Nor would this alone be sufficient. Such work could come only from one master of the great secret of life—that of making as well as economizing time. Nor this only, but from one who holds life itself cheap, when compared with realizing some fixed idea; the criterion always, we think, of those at whom the world wonders, whether in arts or arms. In the learned Professor's case, we hold that fixed idea to be the building up for himself and country such fame of classical scholarship as may not blench in presence of European rivalry.

But passing this by as matter of private thought, as well as from all farther personal reference, which has been drawn from us by our familiar knowledge of the author's multitu

* Professor in the college, and rector of the grammar school, with its fifteen teachers, and three hundred students. NO. XVI.-VOL. VIII.

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dinous labors, and the scholar-like devotion that alone could master them, pass we on to what concerns more directly the student, the scholar, and the public - we mean the nature of the work itself — the objecis it is specially intended to serve, and the ability evinced in its execution, under which three heads, without farther preface, we propose at once to enter upon its examination.

1. The nature of the work. On this point there are certain erroneous impressions naturally enough arising, which require to be set right. In the first place, it is not an enlargement of Lempriere's classical dictionary. The long estab

ished popularity of that work, leads indeed many to imagine
(all, perhaps, who have never critically examined it) that his
labors have pre-occupied the classical ground, and that who-
soever comes after him, can do little more than correct and
enlarge; building up on a foundation already laid by another,
unto whom therefore belongs the true merit of the work.
Now such view would be in this case not only an imperfect,
but a fulse one, doing injustice to Dr. Anthon, not only in the
value of his labors, but in the merit of his scheme. The pre-
sent work is on another plan than that of Lempriere, embra-
cing, indeed, all that was good in his — but then with far
wider limits of usefulness - a “ Thesaurus," in truth, rather
than a “Dictionary ;” nor in saying that it embraces all that
was good in Lempriere, would we be misunderstood as as-
serting that it does so by way of indolent transfer: on the
contrary, a comparison of the two works will show, that
no smallest part is of such character; but that all, even the
most insignificant articles, have received in their adoption
some new merit, and become original through enlargement
or correction, or at the very lowest, by re-examination with
new and higher authorities. But even such are but minor
points; the greater articles stand as in reference to Lempriere,
perfectly independent and original, owing nothing to bim,
beyond the creation of a popular demand for a classical work
of larger extent and higher authority than his own.

But this opens to us the wide question of the manifold defects of a work long over-praised. The secret of such false estimate of Lempriere lay in its being a practical monopoly. It had filled the market, and was without competitors. The public had no measure by which to judge it. Classical teachers had no choice; and therefore, like our early monopoly steamboat on the Hudson, with all its defects, it was deemed as well as named, “Paragon." Like it, too, in the

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