Lincoln's Cabinet. 385 Treasury, Salmon P. Chase of Ohio; Secretary of War, Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, Caleb B. Smith of Indiana; Attorney-General, Edward Bates of Missouri; Postmaster-General, Montgomery Blair of Maryland. It will be noticed that the Cabinet contained, in Seward, Chase, Cameron, and Bates, four of the candidates whose names had been put in nomination at the Chicago convention. All considered that the selection of Mr. Seward was most fitting. Mr. Seward himself had hesitated some time before accepting the appointment, but was no doubt persuaded by his friend, Thurlow Weed. While the remainder of the Cabinet was for the most part acceptable to the party leaders, at the same time. there were differences of opinion as to their fitness. It was thought that Mr. Seward would dominate the Cabinet, but events proved otherwise. Although he was a leading spirit and a close adviser of the President, yet Mr. Lincoln was at all times master, and, as Mr. Seward himself confessed, "he is the best of us all.” Mr. Lincoln's inaugural was received throughout the North with the utmost satisfaction, not only by his party, but by the loyal citizens of every political faith. Mr. Douglas was near the President when he delivered his message, and made himself conspicuous for the expressed purpose of showing that he proposed to uphold the President in his efforts for preserving the Union. The Confederate President and Congress in the meantime had been hard at work at Montgomery, and on the same day that Lincoln was inaugurated at Washington, the Confederate flag was raised over the Southern capitol. A military force of one hundred thousand volunteers to serve for one year was authorized by the Confederate Congress, and also the issue of one million dollars in treasury notes. Acts were passed for the organization and support of a navy, post-office department, and judicial courts. Provision was made for a commission to be sent to Europe for the purpose of obtaining recognition of the new Government, and to make treaties. The permanent Constitution was adopted on March 11th, and VOL. 1.-25. was ratified not only promptly but almost unanimously by the different State conventions. The situation was now grave indeed, and prompt and decisive action was necessary on the part of President Lincoln. His Cabinet at the outset was divided on almost the first question which came before it, namely, the proper course to take regarding Fort Sumter. Mr. Seward had refused to receive or treat with the two commissioners from the Confederacy, although they were indefatigable in their attempts to gain recognition. The question now turned upon the defence or evacuation of Fort Sumter, and it was finally decided to send supplies to that important post. It was believed that the step would be decisive, and most of the Cabinet were reluctant to take any step that might precipitate the war. But the consensus of opinion was finally expressed in the words of Chase: "If war is to be the result, I see no reason why it may not be best begun in consequence of military resistance to the efforts of the Administration to sustain troops of the Union, stationed under the authority of the Government, in a fort of the Union, in the ordinary course of service." The relief fleet was consequently started, but before it arrived the leader of the Confederate forces, General Beauregard, called upon Major Anderson, who was now in command of Fort Sumter, to surrender. On the refusal of Major Anderson, the batteries of Charleston opened on the fort, April 12, 1861, and the great War of the Rebellion was begun. CHAPTER XIV. BEGINNING OF THE WAR FOR THE UNION-THE FIRST RESULTS THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. THE HE reader of this work will not expect to find in these pages a detailed history of the War of the Rebellion. The story has been graphically and exhaustively told by many writers. Nor will it be contended that the now successful Republican party alone fought the war for the Union. It was the North against the South, but it must be distinctly understood, that while loyal Democrats and loyal men of other party distinctions fought side by side with Republicans upon the battlefield to preserve the Union, yet it was the Republican party, guided by its great leader and his Cabinet and the majorities in both Senate and House, which originated and executed the various measures and acts to carry the war to a successful termination. There will never be the slightest hesitancy to award full praise and honor to the soldier in the field, from the highest to the humblest position, and yet we must never forget the work done at Washington, not only at the Capitol, where the great financial and other measures were framed and adopted which gave the means for carrying on the prolonged conflict; but at the departments, where Cabinet officers and their associates were planning, not only for the armies in the field, but for the Government in all its phases and needs, and at the White House, where the President himself was exerting an executive leadership never equalled in the history of civilization. It was necessary that we should have courage, firmness, and decision on almost every day and every hour of the day during the mighty struggle; it was necessary that we should have diplomacy of the highest order; it was necessary that financial measures should be originated and adopted to meet the expenses which were to run up into the thousands of millions. For the carrying out of these many and important and necessary acts of the war, credit must be given to the great Republican party and its chosen leaders during those four awful years of conflict and sorrows. The action of Mr. Douglas at the inauguration has been mentioned, but Mr. Douglas went further than passively to sustain the administration. Merriam, in his Life of Samuel Bowles, in speaking of the powerful influence of George Ashmun of Massachusetts, relates the following: Probably the most notable was the result of his interview with Stephen A. Douglas, directly after the rebels fired on Fort Sumter, and the rebellion was fully launched upon the land. Such were his appeals, such the force of the arguments he addressed to Douglas, that the great Illinoisian rose up superior to partisanship, superior to disappointment, and took his stand with the country. "Now," said Mr. Ashmun, although it was very late in the night, "let us go up to the White House and talk with Mr. Lincoln. I want you to say to him what you have said to me, and then I want the result of this night's deliberations to be telegraphed to the country." That interview at the White House between these three men-Lincoln, Douglas, and Ashmun-should be historical. Then and there Mr. Douglas took down the map and planned the campaign. Then and there he gave in, most eloquently and vehemently, his adhesion to the Administration and the country. Mr. Ashmun himself briefly epitomized the story, and it went by telegraph that night all over the country, to electrify and encourage every patriot on the morrow. As the deeds of the Republican party during the next few years are recounted, because every act of the administration was a Republican act, the writer wishes it to be distinctly understood that there is no disparagement intended for such members of the Democratic party as assisted loyally and liberally to preserve the Union. To the Republican party must be given the credit for prosecuting the war, because it was the Republican party which was in power, placed there by the votes of the people, and which most earnestly and most Loyal and Disloyal Democrats. 389 ably performed the duties which were presented to it. There were in the North some Democrats who were at first disloyal, and afterwards rallied to the support of the Union; there were others who remained disloyal throughout the conflict. These were known as Copperheads, and the mere mention of them is sufficient for the present. When the nominations and election of 1864 are reached, the truth as to their position, their sentiment, and their acts will be recorded. The firing upon Fort Sumter aroused every patriotic man at the North, each one of whom was ready to march to the front in defence of his country's flag, and to preserve the Union. Major Anderson most gallantly held out as long as his ammunition and rations would permit, and then accepted the conditions of marching out, as will be seen from the following: THE HONORABLE S. CAMERON, STEAMSHIP Baltic, OFF SANDY HOOK, SECRETARY OF WAR, WASHINGTON, D. C. SIR: Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four hours, until the quarters were entirely burned, the main gates destroyed, the gorgewall seriously injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, and its door closed from the effects of the heat, four barrels and three cartridges of powder only being available, and no provisions but pork remaining, I accepted terms of evacuation offered by Gen. Beauregard (being the same offered by him on the 11th instant, prior to the commencement of hostilities), and marched out of the fort on Sunday afternoon, the 14th instant, with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away company and private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns. ROBERT ANDERSON, Major First Artillery. On April 15th the newspapers of the North contained the following proclamation: BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. A PROCLAMATION. Whereas, The laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in |