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have never been translated into English. Now and then a great but pestilent work, like that of De Wette, appears in a version, but, most happily, the demand, in England and America, has been for such as those of Hengstenberg, Tholuck, Neander and Krummacher. Not long ago we met with a proposal to give to American readers, Rosenmüller's Commentary on the Psalms. Most cordially do we hope, that since the appearance of the book we have here noticed, the labours of that singularly cold and incredulous Rationalist will be allowed to sleep. With such a guide as Hengstenberg, the most critical student may be satisfied; assured that he will be led to the results of the most accomplished modern exegesis, and to a sufficient acquaintance. with all the recent literature of the subject; so that all resort to the multitudinous and chaotic mass of conflicting expositions may well be spared.

ART. IV.-Report of Mr. Kennedy, of Maryland, from the Committee of Commerce of the House of Representatives of the United States, on the memorial of the Friends of Colonization assembled in convention in the city of Washington, May, 1842. To which is appended a collection of the most interesting papers on the subject of African Colonization, &c., &c. Feb. 28, 1843. Printed by order of the House of Representatives.

THE American Colonization Society have, since their first organization, presented several memorials to Congress, soliciting their aid, and co-operation, in carrying into effect the plan which they had adopted for planting a Colony on the Western coast of Africa, composed of such free people of colour in these United States, as might be willing to engage in the enterprise, and should be judged suitable by the agents of the Society. In every instance, a favourable and respectful attention has been given by Congress to these memorials, and the Committees to whom they were referred, have uniformly reported favourably, as to the objects of the Society, But there has been very little efficient action based on these reports. Sometimes the subject has been laid over for want of time to consider it; but principally, it is presumed, from the inherent difficulties of maturing any

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plan of rendering any effectual aid, which would be free from constitutional objections. In the law passed in the year 1819, for the suppression of the slave trade, there was a provision, that such slaves as should be found on vessels pursuing this nefarious traffic should be sent back to their own country. In virtue of this provision, President Monroe considered himself authorized to send an agent to reside on the western coast of Africa, to take charge of such re-captured negroes, as might be sent back by the government. Besides this, the government have done nothing to favour the colony, except to send, occasionally, a vessel of war to cruise on that coast, to interrupt slavers, and also to protect the lawful commerce of our merchants, trading with the natives of that country. In regard to the disposal of re-captured slaves, for many years very few have been taken by our armed vessels; so that the residence of an agent to attend to that object, has been found unnecessary. In the late treaty with England, concluded by our government with Lord Ashburton, there has been inserted a provision of no small importance to the colony of Liberia. By this article, the American government agrees to keep on that coast a force, of not less than eighty guns. This will afford to the colony that protection which it greatly needs, and for the want of which the colonists have been exposed to numerous injuries and indignities, from British traders and others.

The affairs of the colony having come into a very critical state, it was deemed expedient by the friends of colonization, to hold a convention at the city of Washington, in the month of May 1842; which was attended by a number of ardent friends of the cause. In the course of the meeting, much useful information was received, especially from Dr. Hall, whose knowledge of all that relates to the condition of the settlements in Liberia, and that of the commerce of the western coast of Africa, is superior to that of any other person in this country.* The convention, moreover,

Dr. Hall went to Liberia as early as 1831, and was the agent by whom the money to pay for the territory of Bassa Cove was sent out. He afterwards became the leader of the colony from the Maryland Society, to Cape Palmas. By him the territory of Maryland was purchased from the natives; and upon the settlement of the colony, he continued with them until their affairs were brought into a comfortable state. After he resigned the office of governor of this colony, he was engaged in the African trade; and is now understood to be the secretary of the Maryland Colonization Society, and the editor of their periodical.

directed a memorial to be laid before Congress, then in session, stating important reasons, why Congress should, without delay, act on this subject. The first consideration is, that several hundreds of those now constituting the colony, were re-captured Africans, sent there by the American government, who ought therefore to be the special object of their care. It would be cruel to place such persons in a part of the country distant from their native place, and then leave them to their fate. But the two principal considerations, which are urged upon congress, in this memorial, are,

I. The suppression of the slave trade, and

II. The protection of the American commerce in that country, and in those seas.

This last, as appears from the information communicated by Dr. Hall, has become a matter of great importance to this country. It being found, that the rich commerce of Africa is nearly monopolized by the British, for want of snitable exertions on the part of our government. But obstructed as the trade is to American merchants, it has been calculated, that it does not fall short of a million of dollars in the year; and is capable of a large and indefinite increase.

And in regard to the suppression of the slave trade, it is known to all, that our government has gone before all others. in legislating on this subject, and denouncing heavy penalties on any of its citizens who should be convicted of participating in this inhuman traffic. But it is now very clearly ascertained, that no plan of putting a stop to this trade has been found so effectual, as planting Christian colonies along the coast where the evil is perpetrated, and promoting commercial intercourse with the inhabitants. On this ground, the memorialists argue with great force, that the American government is under obligations to foster and protect the existing colony of Liberia, which has suppressed the slave trade in all places to which its jurisdiction extends. And if they had a more extensive jurisdiction along the coast, this horrible iniquity could be done away, from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas; a distance of about three hundred miles. Although the British government have kept a large naval force on that coast, for the very purpose of seizing every vessel which should be found engaged in this traffic; yet with all their vigilance, aided too by American vessels, sent on the same errand; the result, as stated in the memo

rial, is most appalling. This inhuman traffic instead of being suppressed by all these expensive and vigorous exertions, has gone on regularly increasing, until the calculation is, that not less than half a million of human beings are, in one year carried away from the coasts of Africa into slavery, nearly all of whom find a market in Cuba or Brazil. And not only has the evil gone on increasing until it has arrived at this appalling result, as to the numbers captured; but the cruelties practised, and the loss of life in consequence, and to avoid capture, are also greatly increased beyond all former experience. The truth is, that there is but a small probability of capturing those vessels which are built expressly on purpose to carry on the slave trade. They are commonly fast sailing schooners, which draw little water, and can enter into creeks and rivers where armed vessels cannot follow them, and they ply off and on the coast, until they see an opportunity of taking in their cargo, which is often completed in two or three hours; for the slaves are kept chained in a baracoon near the coast, and can be conveyed on board in a very short time. And when they are chased if they cannot escape by fast sailing, there is every reason to believe that they get clear of the unhappy slaves, in the shortest way possible.

The memorialists, to fortify the opinion which had been expressed, of the inefficiency of the means used for suppressing the slave trade, introduce a quotation from the recent work of Sir F. Buxton, a gentleman who has been long conspicuous as the friend of Africa, and the zealous enemy of this detestable traffic; and whose opportunities of information are unsurpassed. "It is but too evident," says he, "that under the mode we have taken for the suppression of the slave trade, it has increased. It has been proved by documents that cannot be controverted, that for every village fired, and every drove of human beings marched in former times, there are now double. For every cargo then at sea, two cargos, or twice the number in one cargo, wedged together in a mass of living corruption, are now borne on the waves of the Atlantic. But whilst the number who suffer have increased, there is no reason to believe that the sufferings of each have been abated; on the contrary we know, that in some particulars, these have increased; so that the sum total of misery swells in both ways. Each individual has more to endure, and the number of ndividuals is twice what it was."

"I do not see how we can escape from the conviction that such is the result of our efforts, unless by giving way to a vague and undefined hope, with no evidence to support it, that the facts I have collected, though true at the time, are no longer a true exemplification of the existing state of things. In the most recent documents relating to the slave trade, I find no ground for any such consolatory surmise; on the contrary, I am driven by them to the sorrowful conviction, that the year, from September 1837 to September 1838, is distinguished beyond all preceding years for the extent of the trade, for the intensity of its miseries, and for the unusual havoc it makes of human life. Once more then, I must declare my conviction, that the trade will never be suppressed by the system hitherto pursued. You will be defeated by its enormous gains. You may throw impediments in the way of these miscreants, you may augment their peril, you may reduce their profits, but enough, and more than enough, will remain to baffle all your efforts. Better to do nothing, than to go on year after year at a great cost, adding to the disasters, and inflaming the wounds of Africa."

It is well known that these views and facts led to the formation of a society in England for the civilization of Africa; and that at great expense, an expedition was fitted out under the authority of government, to make an establishment on the river Niger; but that, through the deleterious effects of the climate, the whole scheme was rendered abortive, and has been abandoned by the government. The remedy which the memorialists propose for this great evil, is "the lawful commerce of Africa." "Already," say they "is this remedy in operation, already producing its humanizing results upon the shores of Africa. This commerce has begun and is rapidly increasing. Our citizens, with their characteristic enterprize, have successfully embarked in it; and all that need be asked for it from the government, is the same protection and encouragement that are extended to our commerce with other countries." "It is by the substitution of a lawful commerce with Africa, that the slave trade is to be abolished."

The memorialists, therefore, do not ask Congress to take the colony under their government; or to appropriate funds for its support, but only to afford efficient protection to American commerce with Africa; and this, they think, will accomplish for Liberia all which she absolutely needs.

But, in the report of Mr. Kennedy from the committee of

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