His subjects in which the State of Tennessee was specially interested. speeches were marked by what is understood as "the plain commonsense view." He had a happy faculty of adapting his language and his ideas to suit the circumstances. He could talk "bar" with the backwoodsmen, and was sufficient master of the English language to use it without attracting any attention to an abuse of it. It is a great mistake to suppose that Colonel Crockett employed in cultivated circles the pronunciation and grammar that is usually ascribed to him. In this respect he was fully the equal of the average congressman of our own day. He was a pronounced anti-Jackson man; he voted against the instructions of the legislature of his state relative to the public lands of Tennessee; he introduced a set of resolutions favoring the abolition of the Military Academy at West Point, the first resolution of which reads: "That if the bounty of the government is to be at all bestowed, the destitute poor, and not the rich and influential, are the objects who most claim it." He was in favor of internal improvements by the general government, and said in a speech in Congress in 1830, on the Marysville war bill that "he would vote to go through any gentleman's state with a road or canal that was for the good of the Union. He did not believe he should ever give up that doctrine." A southern member of Congress entertaining such opinions, and who could be elected from Tennessee in spite of the Jackson influence, was necessarily a favorite in the northern manufacturing and commercial states. He visited Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Pittsburg and Cincinnati. His whole journey was an ovation; attentions, honors and testimonials were showered upon him wherever he came. Colonel Crockett had now become a changed man. Bear hunting had lost its wonted charms, and his trusty rifle hung upon the hooks until the dust covered it. He had now found other game to pursue-the rewards of political ambition. His writings and his speeches constitute part of the anti-Jackson literature of this period, characterized by the same marks that the partisan productions of the times exhibit. Was Colonel Crockett, M. C., as happy as the sixteen-year-old boy who could not read and write, working six months to pay off his father's debt of thirtysix dollars? Was he as happy as when gayly footing it ten miles with his rifle on his shoulder and his beef money in his pocket to see his lady love, or as when he molded bullets in the winter nights while his blue-eyed Irish wife clacked the loom and laughed and talked with him? In 1835 he was defeated for Congress. This preyed heavily upon his spirits. He had tasted popular favor and enjoyed high position, and was loath to give them up. He determined to leave Tennessee and seek a new field in Texas. Some verses of his, the only ones he ever wrote, show the condition of his mind at this time. He says: Farewell to my country! I fought for thee well, When the savage rushed forth like the demons from hell. In peace or in war I have stood by thy side; My country, for thee I have lived-would have died! But I am cast off-my career is now run, And I wander abroad like the prodigal son Where the wild savage roves and the broad prairies spread, The fallen-despised—will again go ahead. At this period the colonel makes the following moral observation, viz.: "He who commences the world with a general love for mankind, and suffers his feelings to dictate to his reason, runs a great hazard of reaping a plentiful harvest of ingratitude, and of closing a tedious existence in misanthropy." This is the language of a disappointed man; of one for whom horse and dog and gun no longer possessed attraction. After a journey full of adventure, not unmixed with some political stump speaking, Colonel Crockett arrived in Texas. We approach the end. Let us take a last view of our hero. The scene is at the Alamo. The Alamo is surrounded by the army of Santa Anna, and but six of the Texan garrison are left alive. The garrison has surrendered; Crockett stands alone in an angle of the fort, the barrel of his shattered rifle in his right hand, and in his left his huge bowie knife dripping blood. There is a frightful gash across his forehead, while around him is a complete barrier of about twenty Mexicans lying pell-mell, dead and dying. Crockett's look and step are as undaunted and defiant as ever. The word of death is given. A dozen swords are sheathed in that brave heart, and Crockett falls and expires without a groan, a frown on his brow, and a smile of scorn and defiance on his lips. A fitting end to his heroic life. Marcus Juristen QUIVIRA.-A SUGGESTION Where was Quivira? It is not my intention to enter at this time into a general discussion of this vexed question, the chief, and in fact the only object of this paper being to suggest a locality I have not heretofore seen named in the connection, and to present some reasons for believing the suggestion worthy of consideration. But it is proper to state first, that the suggestion applies to the Quivira of Coronado's Relation and probably to that only; second, that I take for granted, as now generally conceded, that the Gran Quivira of New Mexico has no connection whatever with that of Coronado, Oñate or Penalosa. Turning to the "Relation" of Castañeda, the letter of Coronado to the Emperor Charles V., and the brief "Relation" of Jaramillo, let us examine the narrative of the expedition and the account of this region as there given. The first intimation received by Coronado in regard to this mysterious province was from the Indian named by the Spaniards "The Turk," a native of the country "adjacent to Florida," who had been taken captive by the Indians of Cicuyé. The name Florida, as is well known, was at that time applied by the Spaniards to all the southern portion of the United States. The statement of this Indian (who claimed to be a native of Quivira), as recorded by Castañeda,* is as follows: "This Indian told him (Coronado) that in his country there was a river two leagues wide, in which fish as large as horses were found; canoes which carried twenty oarsmen on each side, which were also driven by sails; that the chiefs of the land were seated in their sterns upon a dais, while a large golden eagle was affixed to their prows. He added that the sovereign of this region took his siesta beneath a large tree to whose branches golden bells were hung which were made to resound by the agitation of the wind. He also declared that the commonest vessels were of sculptured silver; and that the bowls, plates and dishes were of gold. He called gold acochis." The too credulous Spaniards, blinded by their thirst for gold, believing this wonderful story, determined to seek this country of fabulous wealth. Relation, in Ternaux Compans, ix. p. 77. The history of the expedition is well known, hence it is only necessary for us to repeat here the parts to which we desire to call special attention. The descriptions given of the buffaloes, of the habits, customs, etc., of the Indians of the plains, and of the plains themselves; of the distance and direction traveled, and numerous other particulars, render it certain that they traveled far out on the plains toward the east, and most probably entirely across them. That their journey was not direct after leaving Cicuyé, but more or less zig-zag and circuitous, is evident from the relations. The route laid down by General Simpson* has been more generally accepted, and is probably the nearest correct of any yet suggested; and the theory that I shall advance in this paper differs only in the fact that it places the route and terminus further southward. The army started on the march from Cicuyé. "When the army quitted Cicuyé * it entered the mountains that it was necessary to traverse to arrive at the plains; and the fourth day it arrived at a large and very deep river which also passes near Cicuyé, for which reason it was called the river of Cicuyé.' We were obliged to wait here to build a bridge, which took four days more. As soon as it was finished the army passed. Ten days afterward some huts were discovered, inhabited by Indians who lived like Arabs, and were called Querechos. Traces of them had been seen for two days. These Indians lived in tents of tanned buffalo hides, and subsisted by the chase of these animals." t If the Pecos ruins mark the site of Cicuyé, as maintained by Simpson and Bandalier, & then it is most probable that the army, instead of marching N.N.E. over the Raton Mountains, as Simpson indicates, after having crossed the Tecolote Range in this direction, turned to the east or southeast, skirting the former range on the south, and passed out upon the plains bordering the Canadian River at this part of its course. I But there are other and stronger reasons for believing that Coronado's army took this direction. First, because in this part of their journey they encountered deep ravines. Second, Jaramillo states: "As well as I can T remember we took a direction still more to the northeast until we reached this stream (the Cicuyé). After having passed it, we turned still more to the right, that is to say still more to the northeast." ** * Smithsonian Report, 1869, pp. 312-340. Castañeda, p. 116. Smithsonian Report, 1869, p. 335. Third," they arrived Studies among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico, p. 20. Marcy. Red River of Louisiana, p. 39. Castañeda, pp. 120, 125, 4. ** Relation, p. 371. VOL X.-No. 6.-34 " at a great ravine, like that of Coloma, where they found many habitations of Indians. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed by that village.' It is well known that the plains bordering the upper portion of the Canadian region are traversed by deep ravines through which the streams find their way. The statement of Jaramillo shows clearly a bend of their course to the right, and his "northeast appears to have been in fact east, or somewhat southeast. And lastly, on this point, the actions of the Indians at the village of Cona are strongly confirmatory of the statement that Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had been there. If Coronado reached a point on their route it most certainly was south of the route laid down by Simpson. These wanderers most probably followed up Red River, being guided by the Indians around the northern end of the "Llano Estacado." Moreover, it is stated also, † that Coronado's army had been directed much too far toward Florida. There they were informed that Quivira lay more toward the north, and, as I presume from the fact that they crossed some deep ravines, from this point they turned toward the northeast, crossing the streams which run to the east. Soon after leaving this point, the larger portion of the army returned in charge of Tristan de Arellano, and Coronado proceeded with thirty horsemen and six footmen, and new guides, furnished by the Teyas Indians. From thence, according to Jaramillo +, whose narrative appears to be trustworthy, they journeyed thirty days, tending more northward; making short daily marches, "always finding water," and, "on the day of St. Peter and St. Paul" (28th June) "we reached a river that we had also found below Quivira. Ysopeta recognized it, and said we would find villages by descending it. We crossed it and followed the northern bank, ascending toward the northeast." This stream, to which they gave the name of St. Peter and St. Paul, was doubtless the Arkansas. At what point they crossed it, and whether they had touched it before reaching this point, as the writer supposed, I will not attempt to decide, but that the ultimate point reached was in the vicinity of the southwest corner of Missouri, is, as I believe, most probable. According to Coronado's letter to the emperor, $The soil is the best that can be seen for all the productions of Spain, for besides being strong and black, it is well watered by brooks, fountains and rivers. I found * Castañeda, p. 120. Castañeda, p. 129. § Ternaux Compans, ix. p. 354. |