that he should not have given that to the public, by the side of his own. I trust you will be preserved from using expressions, which may be wrested to your own injury, and the prejudice of the cause of truth and humanity. May God bless you, and keep you, and 'defend the right.' Yours truly,

J. GREGG.

MR. PHELPS' STATEMENT.

Dear Brother Thompson

FARMINGTON, Nov. 2, 1835.

Yours of the 17th ult., directed to me at Utica, is now before me. Did I deem it necessary, I would state in detail, so far as I can recollect it, the conversation between yourself and Mr. Kaufman, at Andover. It took place while we were lecturing there, and in the house of Rev. S. W. Willson. Mr. Kaufman was brought to the house and introduced to our acquaintance by Mr. Gregg, formerly a tutor at Dartmouth college, and then a student at Andover, who was also present at the conversation.

Mr. Kaufman declares that you said, 'If we preached what we ought, or if we taught the slaves to do what they ought, WE WOULD TELL EVERY ONE OF THEM TO CUT THEIR MASTER'S THROAT.'

I say unhesitatingly, that you did not utter any such words, or any such sentiment on that occasion; and that I never heard you do so on any other occasion, public or private, though I have labored with you weeks together in the cause of emancipation.

As to the other form of phraseology, that every slaveholder ought (or deserves) to have his throat cut,' Mr. Kaufman affirms you employed these very words;-that you made use of this naked, unqualified, unconditional declaration,' and moreover, that he repeated the question. three or four times, and you uniformly answered in the

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same manner;' and still further, that the passage,' Whoso stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death'-was not quoted by you in this connection.'

I affirm, that this passage was quoted in this connection, and in reply to a demand for a single passage which declared slaveholding to be a sin-that the repetition of the question in the case, was the repetition of an opponent, endeavoring to push you on to a literal application of the passage, and thus make you say something, of which he could take advantage against you-and finally, that in your answers, you did not employ those very words' nor make use of the naked, unqualified, unconditional declaration, that every slaveholder ought (or deserved) to have his throat cut.' So far from it, your answer was qualified by its connection, and was entirely destitute of the throat-cutting part of the phraseology.

That I am correct in the above statement, I am quite sure from the fact, that Mr. Kaufman reported the same story at the time, and in substantially the same words, and that then, when the whole conversation was fresh in my mind, I declared it to BE FALSE.

You are at liberty to make what use you please of this

statement.

Yours truly,

AMOS A. PHELPS.

MR. THOMPSON AT EAST ABINGTON.

Agreeably to previous notice, an Anti-Slavery lecture was delivered by Mr. George Thompson, in the congregational meeting-house in East Abington, on Thursday, the 15th inst., to a crowded and respectable audience, composed of the inhabitants of the place, and persons from the adjacent towns, from eight to ten miles distant; among whom we were happy to see most of the clergy of the different denominations in the vicinity.

The prevaling excitement in the community on the subject of slavery-the various conflicting representations of the character and designs of the lecturer-and the recent disturbances in a neighboring village had aroused the attention of the people to the subject, and created a strong desire to hear what this incendiary,' this 'disorganizer,' and above all this 'foreigner' would say. Mr. Thompson stated in a concise manner, what were the principles of the abolitionists, whom he represented, as he understood them; but was more full and particular on the measures, as they are more generally opposed. Nothing could be more foreign from these measures, as explained by him, than a disorganizing spirit, or a tendency to produce a spirit of insurrection among slaves. He would say to the slave, 'injure not a hair of the head of your master; but wait patiently, wait even cheerfully, God's time for your emancipation.' He discarded, in the strongest terms, any wish to interfere with the rights of the slaveholding states, guaranteed them by the Constitution he would not recommend even petitioning Congress on the subject. He believed slavery to be a heinous sin, and that it might be abolished, if those concerned in it were willing; and all he wished was to persuade them to abandon it. He had drawn all his principles from that fountain of truth and righteousness, the Bible-he wanted no other text book-he wanted to establish no other prin

ciples, than were contained in this unerring standard of truth. He believed the cause of the abolitionists was founded on these principles-that it was the cause of God, and would therefore prevail, whatever might become of those now engaged in it.

The audience were held in breathless silence for nearly two hours, listening to the loftiest strains of eloquence, replete with sentiments of the most elevated piety, and most expansive philanthropy.

From remarks since made by those present, it is evident that a favorable impression was left on the minds of nearly all the hearers, with regard to the cause. Such remarks as these were heard: If these are the principles and measures of the abolitionists, I am an abolitionist.' • If any man, acknowledging slavery to be an evil, will propose a more mild, pacific, and rational plan to remove it, than has been proposed to day, I should like to hear it.' 'If a lecturer like Mr. T. were stationed in every village at the south, inculcating the principles expressed in this place, I believe it would do more to prevent insurrection than all the coercive measures of legislators, and threats, and lashes of master and driver.'

The services were performed, throughout, with the greatest decency and order. Not a dog moved his tongue, nor an adder hissed to disturb the peace of the meeting. Some apprehensions of disturbance were entertained by the more timid; but the result has shown that there is at present, one place, at least, in Abington, where the ' supremacy of the laws' is acknowledged, and 'free discussion maintained.

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Mr. Thompson left the house, not in a shower of brickbats, but, as we trust, under a cloud of pure incense, ascending from devout hearts, in fervent aspirations to Him who holds the hearts of all men in his hand, for a blessing on the person and labors of his reviled and persecuted

servants.

LETTER FROM EAST ABINGTON.

Mr. Garrison:

EAST ABINGTON, OCT. 15, 1835.

DEAR SIR,-I am happy to inform you that we have had the pleasure of listening, this afternoon, to a long and most eloquent address from Mr. Thompson, in peace and quietness, notwithstanding the base attempt of some of your Boston Editors to incite the disorderly to come here and make a disturbance. The meeting-house was filled above and below. I saw not an empty seat on the floor or in the galleries. People came from all the adjoining towns -many of them our most intelligent and influential inhabitants. Although it may be too true, that the merchants of Boston and New York will consent to have their liberty of speech abridged, for the sake of the southern trade;—and the politicians of our cities will compromise the freedom of the press to the accomplishment of their party purposes -yet will not the yankee farmers consent

-to be told, beside the plough,

What they must speak, and when, and how.

It seems to me, the question now before our country, is not so much whether slavery shall be abolished, as whether the palladium of our own liberties shall be preserved inviolate? The opposers of the Abolitionists are trampling upon the Constitution. We have the same right to invite Mr. Thompson to address us on the subject of slavery, as to invite any other man-and to be unmolested in our right. Those who do not wish to hear him may stay away from our meetings. But we will not consent that the pro-slavery party shall come or send into our country towns to break up or disturb meetings, which we see fit to hold,