tack the domestic institutions of another, or to weaken or destroy such institutions, instead of strengthening and upholding them, as it is in duty bound to do.

4. Resolved, That domestic slavery, as it exists in the Southern and Western States of this Union, composes an important part of their domestic institutions, inherited from their ancestors, and existing at the adoption of the constitution, by which it is recognized as constituting an essential element in the distribution of its powers among the States; and that no change of opinion or feeling, on the part of the other States of the Union in relation to it, can justify them or their cit izens in open and systematic attacks thereon, with a view to its overthrow; and that all such attacks are in manifest violation of the mutual and solemn pledge to protect and defend each other, given by the States respectively, on entering into the constitutional compact which formed the Union,-and, as such, is a manifest breach of faith, and a violation of the most solemn obligations, moral and religious.

5. Resolved, That the intermeddling of any State or States, or their citizens, to abolish slavery in this District, or in any of the territories, on the ground, or under the pretext, that it is immoral or sinful—or the passage of any act or measure of Congress with that view, would be a direct and dangerous attack on the institutions of all the slaveholding States.

6. Resolved, That the Union of these States rests on an equality of rights and advantages among its members; and that, whatever destroys that equality, tends to destroy the Union itself; and that it is the solemn duty of all, and more especially of this body, which represents the States in their corporate capacity, to resist all attempts to discriminate between the States in extending the benefits of the Government to the several portions of the Union; and to refuse to extend to the Southern and Western States any advantage which would tend to strengthen, or render them more secure;-or to increase their limits or population, by the annexation of new territory or States, on the assumption, or under the pretext that the institution of slavery, as it exists among them, is immoral or sinful, or otherwise obnoxious, would be contrary to that equality of rights and advantages which the constitution was intended to secure alike to all the members of the Union; and would, in effect, disfranchise the slaveholding States, by withholding from them the advantages, while it subjected them to the burdens of the Government.

The resolutions having been read by the Secretary, a debate arose, which continued until the 12th of January following. Mr. Preston suggested that they be allowed to lay over, to await the resolutions of the State of Vermont. The settlement, he thought, of mere abstract principles, would not answer the desired end; and he proposed to bring the matter forward in some more forcible and effective form. Mr. Calhoun, in reply, said: This was a brief and direct mode of reaching the subject. He did not feel disposed to await any action on the Vermont resolutions. He was prepared to act now; and as the resolutions contained the whole gist of the matter at issue, he saw no reason for delay. He hoped there would be no opposition to the motion to print, as it would enable members more readily to determine what course it would be proper to pursue, let the subject come in whatever shape it might. The motion to print was then agreed to.

Dec. 28, 1837.-Mr. Norvell having presented a series of resolutions in relation to the same subjects embraced in those of Mr. Calhoun, the latter rose and said :-]

IN calling up the resolutions which he had submitted on yesterday, it was not his intention, at the present time, to enter into any discussion of their merits or demerits, but merely to meet the objections which might be urged against them. The resolutions spoke, definitely and on all points, for themselves. This Confederacy consisted of free, sovereign, and independent States-each vested with supreme and indisputable rights. Some there were, however, who considered this a great National Republic, made up of individuals, with rights common to all; and of this class might be deemed the party termed abolitionists, in the North. It was the object of these resolutions to bring forward the facts, and display them in their true light. He wished the deep deliberation of every Senator, as he desired to make the question, on their rejection or adoption, a test question. All present-every Senator, without exception-had confessed himself opposed to the fanatical doctrine of abolition; yet the South had no rallying point on which to stand; and although their measures were justified by a great portion of

the North, yet there was among them another party, zealous in the cause of abolition, chiming aloud under the sacred right of petition. Many, doubtless, have been drawn into this snare, who, in the first instance, were conservative in their views. Whatever might be the diversity of opinion of this great country on other points, on the matter now at issue no one could disagree. These resolutions, if adopted, would present grounds on which all could stand, and express their real opinions, without trenching on, or affecting the rights in dispute on other points. In regard to the right of slavery, his opinion was unalterable; and he felt it an insult to have his rights attacked on the question. He hoped the Senate would take sufficient time to discuss calmly the subject; and that each Senator would express his own individual opinion.

He did not desire that these resolutions should pass by a bare majority; he wished them to pass by an unanimous vote. Be this, however, as it might, he would repeat, what he had before said, that he wished it to be considered as a test question. If these propositions were rejected, the Senate will have said to the South,-" Come here no longer for protection!" By such a vote, the Senate would legalize a continuance of these assaults. If, on the contrary, they should be adopted, it would be a holy pledge of protection on the part of this body, against all further aggression; but if postponed or evaded, it would be incontrovertible evidence of the unwillingness of the Senate to express an opinion; and consequently must be considered a silent acquiescence in the insults offered to Southern rights and Southern feelings. If adopted, they would have a salutary effect in tranquillizing the public mind. He looked to these resolutions to awake an active spirit in favor of the constitution. The idea that this Republic is made up of one great aggregate of individuals, tended to increase the zeal of these fanatics, and the more rapid spread of their doctrines. The remedy must be

found in the promulgation of opposite doctrines--the true doctrines of the constitution; and, until this course was adopted, we could look for nothing but the continuance of their importunities. When the Republic was in danger, we must look to State Rights (the only true, conservative principles); for, on these depended the preservation of the Union, and any other view must prove fatal to its peace.

The course before the Senate, he (Mr. C.) considered of great magnitude and importance; and hence he did not desire to urge on its progress; and, if no Senator desired to make any other motion, he would move to postpone it to Wednesday next, with the understanding that the Vermont resolutions were not to be presented until a later period; for he was anxious to have a calm and deliberate expression of opinion on the part of the Senate, before the question arose in the opposite shape, and in which it had been already so angrily discussed.

He

[Mr. Preston here again expressed his desire for more time. had not seen the resolutions until this morning. He thought it was now too late to reach the extent of the evil by presenting mere abstract questions; though he wished to Heaven they might have that effect. He looked for a remedy in the unbroken phalanx of the South.]

Mr. Calhoun replied, that the object he had in view was to test the state of feeling in the Senate to the extent of the limits proposed in the resolutions. He (Mr. C.) had already stated that his own mind had been long since fixed; he had long seen, and still feared, that the South must find the remedy within herself. He had stated that the resolutions presented common ground. He would not, however, be understood as meaning that this was the ultimate position on which to meet the abolitionists. It was that on which, at present, the opponents of the doctrine could meet. He, for one (and he hoped he had a ready response in the bosom of

every Southern man), would no longer meet, in argument, fanatics, who would violate every moral and political principle to obtain their ends. His object was, to ascertain on what grounds, and in what manner, the South was to assert her rights.

[Mr. Preston here made a short reply. His objection to the introduction of the resolutions was, that they allowed grounds for discussion, and that the subject ought not to be permitted to enter the halls of Congress. Besides, he did not think that abstract propositions would have any effect. He was followed by Mr. Strange of North Carolina, who, though in favor of the principles embodied in the resolutions, regretted that they had been introduced. He desired to avoid discussion, by which he thought the South would suffer. To rush against the waves of the ocean, he said, with the hope of stilling them, would be as the act of a maniac. Why, then, should we attempt it? The proper course, he thought, was for the South to remain still, and pay no attention to the movements of these idle fanatics. Mr. Calhoun, after some remarks from Mr. Swift of Vermont, in defence of the course of his State, replied :-)

The Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Strange) had expressed himself averse to the discussion of this subject; so was every one else; but he ought to preach this to the abolitionists, and not to the defenders of the sovereignty of the States. Was it not better to meet the question a little offensively, than not to meet it at all? With regard to the doctrines of the constitution,-all might be well acquainted with them; and yet, how were they observed? Was the South to sit still, and see the constitution trodden under foot, and its principles laid prostrate in the dust? Would it not be better to try and rally in that body all who are orthodox in their views respecting it? Look to the example of the Alien and Sedition Laws. Were those odious measures defeated by sitting still, and quoting the authority of the constitution? Was it not, rather, by a series of brief, summary, and abstract resolutions ? By this straight

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