There is nothing like it in history. At that time, there was but a single new State (Ohio). I exclude Kentucky, Tennessee, and Maine, all of which have been admitted since the adoption of the constitution, and limit my remarks to those which have since sprung up on the public domain.

Ohio had then but one Representative in the other House-Jeremiah Morrow, an honest and sensible man, who was, at that time, at the head of the Committee on Public Lands, and had the confidence of the House so completely that his voice was the law on all subjects connected with them. So little interest did they, at that time, excite. There were then thirty-two Senators in all; of which Ohio had, of course, two; that is, the one-sixteenth of the whole. In the electoral college she had three votes, which made her weight about the one-fiftieth in that body-a weight scarcely felt or estimated in the political movements of the day.

Such, at that time, was the infant and feeble condition of the new States. Since then, in a period but little exceeding that allotted to a single generation, to pass over the stage of life, how wonderful the change! Instead of one, as then, there are now nine new States; and in the place of two Senators in thirty-two, we now have eighteen in fiftytwo; making, instead of one-sixteenth, more than a third of the whole and, already, three territories, Florida, Wisconsin, and Iowa, are struggling for admission. When admitted, which must be shortly, there will then be twelve new States, with twenty-four Senators in fifty-six, which will increase their relative weight in this body to three-sevenths of the whole.

But, wonderful as has been the increase in this body, it will be still more so, after the next census, in the other. It will be taken next year, and a new apportionment of the members will be made under the constitution; when, instead of a single member,-being less than one in a hundred,

as was the case twenty-seven years ago,―the representation of the new States will stand to the old, at least, as forty to sixty, or two-fifths of the whole, as calculated by a friend familiar with the subject, and in whose accuracy I have entire confidence. The new States having, as they will then, threesevenths in this, and two-fifths in the other House, will, of course, have a relative weight in the electoral college-or, what is the same thing, in the choice of a President, compounded of the two, that is, five-twelfths of the whole. So much for the past.

Now, if we turn to the future, we shall find that the cause of this amazing growth, so far from being exhausted or weakened, is acting with increased force, and urging forward the growth of those States with accelerated, instead of decreasing velocity; so much so, that the past changes in the last twenty-seven years will appear as nothing, compared with what will take place in the next twenty-seven, unless some unforeseen occurrence should intervene to retard their progress. If my memory serves me, our population, twenty-seven years ago, was about seven millions; and our annual increase then, that is, the excess of births over deaths, including emigration,-about two hundred thousand, estimating our growth at three per cent. compound. Since then, our population has increased not less than nine millions, making the present, probably, about sixteen; which, on the same data, will make our annual increase at this time but little short of half a million; the greater part of which will find their homes in the new States.

I will not enter into a minute calculation as to the effects of this great increase on the relative weight of the new and old States at the next succeeding census, in 1850. It is sufficient to say, that it will give a decided majority to the former, both in the House of Representatives and in the electoral college, and, of course, in the Government; and thus, in the short space of one generation and a half, the

centre of political power, as between the old and new States, will have passed from the former to the latter.

Now, with these unquestionable results before us, I ask, -not whether it would be wise to continue the old system; no, Sir! a far bolder question, Will it be practicable? And if not practicable, would it be wise to struggle to continue it, till overthrown by the force of unavoidable and irresistible causes? I ask, What would be the effects of such a struggle? Would it not be to excite, in the first instance, animosity and discord between the old and new States, and, in the end, to overthrow the entire land system, with the certain loss, ultimately, of the public domain? I shall not, on this occasion, attempt a formal discussion of these points. I propose, in order to illustrate, simply to show how vain and dangerous would be the attempt to hold on to the present system, under these great and growing changes, by tracing its operation under a single aspect-its bearing on the Presidential question.

To have a clear conception of this, we must bear in mind, that, after the next census, the new States will have fivetwelfths of the electoral college; and, of course, compared with either of the other sections, a controlling voice in the election of a President. He who keeps this in mind, and understands the workings of the human heart and of our system, must see, that in the Presidential contest (for such it must ever be), the great point, hereafter, will be to secure their favor; and that this can best be done by favoring their peculiar views and policy in reference to the public lands. Now, one of two things must follow: either all the candidates will enter into this competition, in which case the struggle will be who shall go furthest; and its consequence to give the vote to him who may bid highest. It is easy to see how this would end. The public domain, the noble inheritance of the people of this Union, would be squandered, or rather gambled away, in the contest; and would thus be

made, at the same time, the means of plunder and corruption, and of elevating to power the most profligate and audacious.

But if, instead of all the candidates seeking the favor of the new States, a part should court their interests, and the others that of the old States, the train of events would, indeed, be varied, but the ultimate result would be the same On this supposition, each of the candidates would resort to means best calculated to secure the section on whose support he might rely. Those looking to the new States would push, to the extreme, the favorite policy of those States in reference to the public lands; while the other would take the opposite extreme in favor of the old States. Now, when we reflect that the new and the old States must necessarily, from their different position and relation to the public lands, entertain very different views of the policy that ought to be pursued in relation to them, in almost every point,—so much so, that the one will consider that but as the demands of justice, which the other will regard as nothing short of open plunder, as we have witnessed in this discussion,-we may form some conception of the violence of the conflict which must ensue in the case supposed. We have had, even in this early stage, and on this very question, some indications of what we may expect. The most violent animosity and hatred would follow, and every man, be his motives ever so pure and patriotic, would be regarded the friend or the enemy of the new or old States, as his opinions favored the policy of the one or the other. The final termination of the conflict would not be doubtful. Whatever turns of fortune might occur, in its progress, the new States must, in the end, prevail. Their relative increase is far more rapid than the old; so much so, that after 1850-that is, after the third Presidential election from the next-they would be left, as I have shown, in undisputed possession of the field. In the mean time, while the struggle is going on, the animosity

would daily increase on both sides. The longer it continued the more bitter it would become, and the more certainly and completely would the present system be overthrown, if, indeed, the Union itself should be strong enough to withstand the shock. Such must inevitably be the fate of the present system, should we have the folly, I might say the madness, to attempt to continue it as it is, so far as the new States are concerned, regardless of the great changes which have already taken place, and the still more mighty in progress.

Having now pointed out the danger, I turn next to the deeply important question of remedy, which demands the most prompt and solemn consideration, both of the Government and the community. The question is, What means shall we adopt to avert the mischief which I have shown to be so rapidly approaching, and which must inevitably soon. arrive, if not prevented by some speedy and efficient measure? Already one has been proposed, originally brought forward to relieve a distended treasury of its burden, but which its author (the Senator from Kentucky, Mr. Clay) has renewed on the present occasion, doubtless with the view, in part, at least, to meet the growing disorders of the system. His proposition is to divide the proceeds of the public lands among the States, with the double view, I suppose, to a more equal participation in the advantages of the public domain by the members of the Union, and to preserve the present system. by a more vigilant guardianship of the States. I do not now intend to discuss the merits of this measure. My object is simply to state, in general terms, my opinion in relation to it, without entering into the reasons on which it is

grounded.

There appear, then, to me, to be great and decisive objections to the measure. The right to adopt it may, in the first place, be fairly questioned. We hold the public domain as a common property or fund, belonging to the States of the Union in their confederated, and not in their