tion of the constitution, of justice, and of the right of free discussion-those odious abstractions-would reach his object without delay or impediment. The Senator stands not alone in his hatred of abstractions. He has high examples for his strong dislike. Bonaparte detested and denounced them, under the name of ideology; and Cromwell held them in as much abhorrence as the gentleman himself. They are, in fact, objects of detestation to every plunderer, and to none more so than the highwayman. He meets an honest traveller on the road. The one armed and the other unarmed. What stands between him and the purse of the traveller, but these detested abstractions-right, justice, and law? Would he pause and parley about them? No; he, too, is for action, action, action;-meaning plunder, plunder, plunder.

But the Senator does not limit his dislike to abstractions. He has a mortal aversion to the interference of the Executive with the subjects submitted by the constitution to the action of Congress, and condemns, in strong language, the practice adopted by the Executive of recommending, in the annual message, the policy which, in his opinion, ought to be pursued by Congress. Does he forget that it is made his duty, by the constitution, not only to give information of the state of the Union, but to recommend such measures as he may deem necessary and expedient. But why should the Senator take such dislike to what he is pleased to call the interference of the Executive? Does he distrust the present incumbent ? Does he fear that his influence or veto may also stand between him and the measures he is so impatient to adopt? I must say that I regard the constitutional powers of the Executive, properly understood, with feelings very different from the Senator. According to my opinion, when they are restricted within the limits assigned by the constitution, they are highly salutary. They serve

to moderate and check the overaction of Congress. This is eminently true of the veto power, which must, almost invariably, from its nature, interpose a shield between the weaker and stronger interests; and it is, perhaps, that circumstance, which makes it so unacceptable to the Senator.

But there is another branch of Executive power which I regard in a very different light; I mean that which originates in the encroachments and overaction of Congress. The powers of the Executive of themselves are very little formidable; but when Congress stretches its powers-when it imposes oppressive taxes-enacts high protective tariffsbranches out into lawless and wasteful expenditures—when it associates itself with the banks and paper systems-when, in a few words, it adopts the measures recommended in this report, it clothes the Executive with patronage and influence that may well be dreaded. It is this which makes the Executive truly formidable, and gives to the Presidential canvass such violence and corruption as to shake our system to its centre.

I shall now conclude my remarks with a hasty notice of what the Senator said in reference to myself. He undertook to remind me of the position I took in reference to the SubTreasury, at the extraordinary session of 1837. I retain a vivid recollection of my course on that occasion, and especially as relates to what he would recall to my memory, and I assure him that time, so far from changing, has but confirmed the opinions I then expressed. I then, and still, object to a National Bank, because, among other reasons, it tends to centralize the business and currency of the country at the point where it is located, and still favor the Sub-Treasury, because it has no such tendency. I shall not undertake to repeat the reasons I then advanced in support of my opinion. It would be out of place; but I avail myself of the occasion to say, that I would not divest New-York of a particle of

her natural advantages; but, at the same time, I would resist any attempt to aggrandize her, or any other city, at the expense of the others. Our system is built on justice and equality, and I would be as rigid in observing it between one place and another as between individuals and individuals. Justice to all, and privileges to none, is my maxim.

END OF VOL. III.