anonymously, others publicly. It is to this discussion that the present pamphlet owes its existence, wherein the apology of the Prussian Custom-house institutions, as already intimated, is, as it were, only an incident, chiefly tending, by new arguments, to place the author's earlier assertions beyond doubt. For this purpose, Mr. Buchholz is anxious to evince in a very condemnatory tone, that his adversaries fell into an absurdity, by fancying independence in the middle states to be the aim of the commercial association established between them; that, upon the whole, the nature of an alliance of states is wholly mistaken, by believing that it might grant any unconditional independence to its partners, since it rather brings along with it that dependence, by which liberty becomes possible, through a knowledge and application of the conditions of political self-existence. (Man verkenne ganz des Wesen eines Staatenbundes, wenn man glaube, es gewähre seinen Theilhabern irgend eine unbedingte Unabhängigkeit, da es vielmehr die Abhängigkeit mit sich bringe, wodurch die Freiheit nur dadurchmöglich werde, dass man die Bedingungen des eigenen politischen Daseyns kenne und achte;) but that to those conditions belongs the existence of a Hegemony, which ought to be a double one (zu diesen Bedingungen aber gehöre das Vorhandenseyn einer Hegemonie, die eine doppelte seyn müsse,) unless the alliance should be dissolved into one monarchy. "In earlier times," continues he, "Germany has had her two Hegemons, the Pope and the Emperor; and as the ecclesiastical reformation had abolished these, the destinies of Germany had tended to introducing the second Hegemon into Prussia only, which has been sanctioned herein by the act of the covenant at Vienna." From these premises, Mr. Buchholz concludes further, that since Germany had not a power which could represent Prussia in the alliance, this alliance must stand and fall with Prussia. Although there is a right, according to which equality is not doubtful, (nach welchem die Gleichheit nicht zweifelhaft sey,) yet there is also a numerical right, by which this equality might be easily obscured, (das diese Gleichheit leicht verdunkele). In social life it is only this last that decides. If Prussia, therefore, as a state of twelve millions of souls, could not have yielded to the other, else free, states incorporated with her, the right of altering the conditions of her existence and activity, she could still less be checked by the states of middle Germany in developing her individual powers. Finally, the nature of things induces that the weaker are obliged to join the stronger, but not vice versa. This desirable union might be effected in an honourable manner, by freely submitting to necessity. After this, Mr. B. tries to shew in what manner this necessity might be existing for the states of the central German association. "The characteristics of their situation," says he, "in this respect, consist in not having found the central point, which they sought for in themselves; (Das characteristische ihrer Lage bestehe darin, dass der Mittelpunct, den sie suchten, in ihnen selbst nicht zu finden wäre ;) for it must be admitted, that among eighteen states, which are altogether different in extent and social interests, and which number no more than from five to six millions of souls, none could exercise as much power of attraction, as to raise itself to a central point, (um sich auf unwiderstehliche Weise zum Mittelpunct zu erheben). This was also the reason why all the experiments which had been made at Cassel proved abortive-on the other hand, Prussia might be the only central point which they required, (wogegen der einzige Mittelpunct, den sie für ihre Schöpfung bedürften, Preussen sey). The whole mass of misery, as is granted by the parties, has proceeded from dissembling this truth; and all niceties, hindering them from recognizing de facto, have been so many whims (alles ein gestandene Elend gehe nur aus der Verläugnung dieser Wahrheit hervor, so wie alle Bedenklichkeiten, die sie von der thatsächlichen Anerkennung abhielten, nur eben so viele Hirngespinste VOL, IV-NO. VII.

wären)."

wären)." It is unnecessary to observe, that Mr. Buchholz speaks in favourable terms of Prussia's duties being paid at her frontiers. Meanwhile, we must confess, that we can no more approve of the writer's assertions, that the tendency of duties was not to obviate and hinder, but promote a facility of commercial intercourse with the individual states of Germany, than those other political theories, the tendencies of which we have here considered.

Gedichte des Königs Ludwig von Bayern. 2 vols. 8vo. München, 1829. THE Poems of King Louis of Bavaria have at length appeared, but have by no means realized the expectation formed by those who, admiring his patriotic and philanthropic enthusiasm, would have gladly seen him favoured by the Muses, highly as he is beloved by all that know how to prize his ardent desire to promote human happiness wherever an opportunity offers, and to spread the blessings of useful knowledge as far as his influence extends. Though these poems amply evince the ardent desire of their august author to render himself deserving of a distinguished place on Parnassus, yet they are by far too tame to rank him with a Schiller, Goethe, Matthison, &c.; and it was in vain that we read this collection of royal poems, wishful to find one that would, by a spirited translation, give to the English reader a favourable specimen of the poetical powers of a prince, in many respects so deserving of the station he holds among the Monarchs of Europe. The principal merit of the work consists in this-that the proceeds are intended for charitable purposes.

Anna Bullen Königin von England. Trauerspiel in fünf Aufzügen von Wilhelm Waiblinger, Berlin, 1829.

WE mention this new production of the German dramatic muse to our readers, because the subject is taken from that period of English history, which offers so sad a variety of matter for tragic composition. The author, who at present lives in Italy, informs us in the preface to his work, that he wrote it in 1825, with a view of having it acted on the royal stage at Stuttgart; but that he was obliged to give up this plan, for want of a fit actress to take the part of Anna; and that, at the wish of his friends, he afterwards chose publi cation as the way to bring it into general notice. We regret that we cannot say much in praise of this tragedy. It might be questioned, whether the fate of Anna is at all a proper theme for dramatic poetry. Thus much is certain -that Mr. Waiblinger has represented it with little skill or diligence. The manner in which he introduces the unfortunate queen is no way calculated to inspire us with an interest for her fate. Upon the whole, the subject is not treated with that dignity of style, which ought always to prevail in an historical drama. The versification is in many passages extremely negligent, and the language often low and even vulgar.

Memorie di Lorenzo da Ponte di Ceneda; scritte da esso, New York, 1827,

LORENZO DA PONTE, author of the text of Don Juan,' Figaro, The Tree of Diana,' and other operas; the intimate friend of Mozart, Martini, and Salieri, is still living, in the eightieth year of his age, a teacher of the Italian language, and bookseller at New York, where he has published his life under the above title. The fortunes of the author are those of a man who, with great talents, but without any determined object, is the sport of. Fate, and subject to ceaseless vicissitudes. Of course they cannot be wanting in interest which is materially increased by their constant reference to

characters

characters already enshrined in biographical celebrity. We think a slight sketch of the work may prove interesting to our readers.

The author, born in the same year with Göthe, having, while yet a youth, made considerable progress at his native place Ceneda, proceeded to Venice as a private teacher, where his love adventures will remind the reader of that faithful historian Casonova. At length an unlucky amour drove him from Venice, and he fled to Treviso, where he became a public lecturer on literature. Here he was induced to give a discourse on the question, whether man be happier in his natural or his civilized state. The authorities perceived demagogical principles in the oration, and poor Lorenzo was not only dismissed from his office, but declared for ever unfitted for a Professorial chair within the Venetian dominions. After he had been by the pettiest intrigues ousted from the residence of Bernardo Acunus, who had hospitably sheltered him, he at length accepted an employment as secretary in Venice. Here he became the acquaintance and friend of Giorgeo Pisani, one of the most remarkable men of the later days of Venice. A panegyrical poem written upon him, so exasperated the ruling powers, that Lorenzo was forced to seek refuge in the Austrian dominions. During his stay at Görtz he had the misfortune to give offence to a bookseller there, who addressed a letter, dated Dresden, and written in the name of the stage poet, there, in which da Ponte was invited to the court of Saxony, where the most favourable reception was promised to him. The poet obtained from a friend the sum necessary to defray his expenses to Dresden, and on his arrival, he was miserably undeceived. Want of money, and a double intrigue, soon drove him from Dresden, and by the advice of Salieri, he went to Vienna, at which capital he became acquainted with Metastasio, though only a few days before the death of that celebrated poet. He was now recommended by Salieri to Joseph II., who appointed him one of the Italian stage poets. The emperor, on receiving the acknowledgments of da Ponte, enquired how many plays he had written, to which, the poet candidly replied, as yet, not one. Whereupon his Majesty rejoined smiling, well, then we shall hear a maiden muse. Before our author had written his first opera, Casti came to Vienna, and from his displeasure Ponti had much to suffer. The following misfor tune seems to be the operation of our author's evil destiny. A gay female fellow-lodger of his, wishing to avoid an union with a dentist whom her father had chosen for her, pretended a passion for Ponti, who being troubled with a slight pain, applied for a remedy to the enraged practioner, with whose amour he was wholly unacquainted. The remedy was applied to the root of the disorder, for the tooth-drawer burnt out eight of the poet's teeth with aqua fortis, and occasioned him a protracted illness. About this time,' Ponti became acquainted with Mozart, then comparatively unknown in Vienna; and after having written for Galieri, Martini, and others with various success, he produced the Figaro, and Don Juan, for Mozart. The latter of these two operas gave much less satisfaction in Vienna than it had done in Prague, a circumstance which prevented not the emperor from rewarding the poet liberally, for,' said he, the opera is excellent, and bably still more beautiful than Figaro, but it does not suit the palates of my good people of Vienna. When this was repeated to Mozart, he said, 'Oh, do but give them time to chew it well!'

pro

After Joseph's death, Leopold, his successor, evinced less disposition for stage amusements; and at length Ponti lost his place through theatrical intrigue. In Trieste he became acquainted with the fair daughter of an English merchant whom he married. He in vain endeavoured to be reinstated in Vienna. The utmost which he could obtain was a handsome present from the emperor. After numerous vicissitudes, he proceeded to

R 2

North

North America where his wife had some relations, but whom he found in no condition to help him. He engaged in various occupations and speculations, till at length he fixed his attention to early pursuits, and taught the Italian language and literature, in which he has had the most signal suc cess; so much so, that New York, which on his arrival, had no other Italian book than the Decameron, has now a collection of works in that language, some of which are translations by Ponti himself, among which is a very successful one of 'Byron's Prophecy of Dante.'

Famiglie celebri Italiane: dal Cavaliere Litta. Rom. 1829.

THE enterprizing compiler of this work, who printed the first parts at his own expense, seems now to be meeting with merited encouragement, having already proceeded as far as the sixteenth part, which, in interesting matter, is fully equal to any which have preceded it. It contains the history of the family of Concini, which, in the person of Concino Concini, found its highest splendour and final extinction. On account of youthful irregularities, and in order to separate him from a society which threatened to engulph the small remnant of his property, Concino was, by his father, at that time High Chancellor to the first Grand Duke of Tuscany, appointed to form one of the retinue of Maria de Medici on the occasion of her marriage with Henry of France. At the Parisian court our hero became a bold adventurer, and espoused a young Florentine girl whom Maria had also brought in her train, the daughter of a wood-cutter and a laundress, and who, from being one of the lowest chamber-maids, had raised herself to the rank of first lady of the chamber. Concino soon secured to himself an ample share of the Queen's confidence, which his wife had long enjoyed, and Henry IV. could openly signify his displeasure before he was murdered. During the minority of Louis XIII. Maria of Medici was Regent of France, and both the Concini were careful to preserve her favour. Concino was rich; he held important offices, and stood so high, that his will was almost law. For seven years he ruled over France, and it is well known, that these seven years were lamentable for the nation: yet it may be fairly questioned whether, amid the all-prevailing depravity, he was in a situation to remedy the public evils. In the year 1613, he was raised to the dignity of a Marshal of France, and an estate which he purchased gave him the title of dAncre, by which he is known in history. The hatred of the party, which, with the Prince of Condé at their head, now began to grow tired of the regency, appeared to mark Concini for a victim; but he remained true to his benefactress, though he might have easily escaped to Florence. He remained, and left his enemies to prosecute their machinations against him, while he himself committed errors which lost him the love of the people. The weak Louis XIII. had a favourite, the young de Luynes, ambitious as Concini, and envious of the power of the latter. He sounded the King, and perceived that there was no objection in that quarter to the downfall of Concini, which was therefore resolved upon. His enemies avoided bringing the Marshal to a court of justice, but descended to the baseness of assassination. The scenes of barbarity in which the infuriated mob indulged towards the lifeless body of the minister, have been but too frequent in the history of France. Eleonora Concini who, during her long prosperity, had evinced all the weaknesses of the parvenue, was dragged to trial after the murder of her husband; and accused of having practised on the Queen by witchcraft, of which charge her venal judges found her guilty, and sentenced her to be beheaded. A daughter of Concini, whose projected marriage would have strengthened the power of the family, had, happily for herself, died a few days before the fall of her house. Henry, Count della Penna, the son of Concini, was

obliged

obliged to witness the plunder of his palace, and was dragged to a window by the mob, whence they pointed to the body of his father hanging on a gallows before the house. He was compassionately saved, after having been stripped to the skin; and, wrapped in a cloak, he took refuge at the palace of the Louvre, where, with all his agony and rage of heart, he was commanded to dance before the Queen, who had heard of his skill in that accomplishment. He died, the last of his race, at Florence, in 1631.

The events which give importance to the family history of Monte di Monte, and S. Savino, are of a less tragical character. They owe to the church and to Pope Julius III. the influence which they, for a short period, exercised on the affairs of Italy.

This part of Chevalier Litta's work is embellished with four engravings, which must form highly interesting memorials for the Monte family, and for the lovers of art generally. They afford fresh proof of the great taste and research of Chev. Litta, and of his rare talent in the compilation and arrangement of remarkable events.

Div i Peri, Povæst v' Stikhakh, a. Podolinkago. The Deev and the Peri, a Poetical Narrative, by A. Podolinsky. St. Petersburg. 1827. WHEN we reflect upon the peculiar circumstances in which Russia was placed at the period of her first giving encouragement to literature,-for, prior to the reign of Elizabeth, there is little that is at all entitled to the appellation-we can hardly be surprised at finding that her writers have availed themselves so freely of foreign materials, and thereby incurred the charge of want of originality. In other countries, literature has developed itself gradually; and if it borrowed comparatively little from foreign models, it was both because there were fewer communications for literary intercourse, and because there was not so great a disparity in the intellectual progress of different nations, as existed between Russia and her contemporaries at the period of which we are speaking. Yet the influence of the Italian school is sufficiently evident in our own writers of the sixteenth century; while that of the Spanish and French may be discerned in our dramatists and novelists of the seventeenth.

As soon as poetry ceases to be merely the vehicle of popular traditions, feelings, and sentiments, it must, of necessity, while it loses much of its primitive rudeness, lose also something of its originality. Education, still more than locality, and other adventitious circumstances, influences our moods of thought and habits of mind. There is less difference between educated men of different countries, than between the educated and uneducated in the same; and even allowing that the varieties of forms of government and religion affect national character to a great extent, the prevailing colour is the same, although its hues are more or less vivid. It might have been a praiseworthy, but it would certainly have been a singular, forbearance on the part of the writers of Russia, if instead of turning to the literature of nations which presented so many and such excellent models, for every form of composition, they had resolved to elaborate for themselves other moulds, and to pass through all the progressive stages that had been trodden by others. That they have not done so, is rather to be imputed to circumstances, than either to indolence or incapacity; and we might with almost equal propriety condemn them for having adopted improvements of which they were not the inventors, as for having availed themselves of the literary treasures of their neighbours, thereby familiarizing their countrymen with models, the merit of which had been long acknowledged. It must nevertheless be confessed, that what might be not only pardonable, but in some degree meritorious, in the infancy of its republic of letters, ceases to be so now, when we