"Mutilata verba (says Mr. Jacobs) sic fortasse restitui poterunt. γλῶσσ ̓ ἐν κενοῖσιν ἀνδράσιν τιμὴν ἔχει.” Mr. Jacobs seems to act upon the verse of Voltaire, Le superflu, chose très nécessaire; and to think that emendations of Themistius and Philostratus can be no where out of place, and must be at all times acceptable to his readers. We are certainly more fastidious; but with this abatement, we think his book deserving of unmixed praise, and all persons who possess the Stobæus of Mr. Gaisford, and wish to read the very amusing anthology of that compiler in its least corrupt state, must make use of the labours of Mr. Jacobs. Mythologus, oder gesammelte Abhandlungen über die Sagen des Alterthums. Von Philipp Buttmann. Berlin, 1828-9. 2 vols. MR. BUTTMANN, whose name is well known to all persons interested in the studies of ancient literature, has published a collection of his scattered writings, chiefly on subjects connected with mythology, in two volumes. Most of these dissertations are on questions relating to Grecian antiquity; but he also discusses what he terms the sacred traditions of the Hebrews, and our readers will see, from the following list of the articles, how far he has gone in the allegorical interpretation of the books of Moses, now so much in vogue in Germany:-Vol. I. Article 1. On the philosophical explanation of the Grecian deities, particularly of Apollo and Diana. 2. On the goddess Dione. 3. On the 12th Ode of the first book of Horace. 4. On Pandora. 5. On the most ancient geography of the East: a biblico-philological essay. 6. On the two first Mythi of the early Mosaic history. 7. On the Mythical period from Cain to the Deluge. 8. On the Mythus of the Deluge. 9. On the Mythus of Noah's sons. 10. On the ancient names of Osroëne and Edessa. 11. On the Mythus of Hercules. 12. On the Mythological character of the Muses. Appendix on the historical and other allusions in Horace.Vol. II. 13. On the Mythus of the most ancient races of men. 14. On Chronus or Saturn. 15. On Janus. 16. On the situation of Lerna. 17. On the fable of Cydippe. 18. On Virbius and Hippolytus. 19. On the Cotyttia and the Baptæ. 20. On the Mythical connexions between Greece and Asia. 21. On the Minyæ. 22. On the family of the Aleuada. 23. On the Potitii and Pinarii, and the Tarquinii. 24. On the meaning of the word gargia.— Appendix. 1. On the substance called Electrum. 2. On the interpolations in Horace. The author states, that in composing the mythological treatises, his chief object was to point out the wide difference between the nature of historical and traditionary memorials. Mr. Buttmann ranks among those writers in Germany who have most advanced the landmarks of tradition within the ancient provinces of history. Our limits, however, do not admit of an analysis of these multifarious discussions; and we will merely mention those verses in Horace, which, either on his own judgment, or after other critics, he rejects as spurious. Od. i. 2. the stanza beginning Piscium et summa genus hæsit ulmo. Od. iii. 17. from quando to originem. Od. iv. 4. from quibus to omnia, reading et diu. Od. iii. 11. the stanza beginning Cerberus, quamvis furiale centum Muniant angues, &c. Od. iv. 8, 17. Non incendia Carthaginis impiæ. Od. iii. 4. the stanza beginning, Testis mearum centimanus Gyas sententiarum. Now that we are on the subject of mythology, we may mention that a late writer in the Classical Journal (No. 78, p. 361) is very indignant with the Foreign Reviewers, for making "an imbecile attempt to disprove the authenticity of one of the finest relics of antiquity." As our body is necessarily divided into certain sections or departments, those members of our critical council who have the more especial care of classical literature, on meeting meeting to read the above charge, began to tremble, lest some of our irreverent brethren, more addicted to modern writers, might have presumed to question the genuineness of the Iliad or the Aeneid. But as we read on, our alarm entirely vanished, on discovering that the Orphic poems were in question; being well assured that the gentleman, whose wrath we had been so unfortunate as to excite, is nearly, if not quite, singular in the opinion that these hymns are either beautiful or ancient. The proof at once of our censor's assertion and credulity is proposed in the following paragraph. "I beg to remind your readers, that Plato mentions the Hymns of Orpheus in the eighth book of his Laws; and in his Cratylus, he quotes two lines from one of the poems of Orpheus. Demosthenes also, in his first oration against Aristogiton, quotes what is said by Orpheus respecting justice, and doubtless alluded, in what he says, to the Hymn to Justice, which forms one of the collection of the Orphic Hymns. AFTER ALL THIS, what must we think of the Reviewer, who says, &c. &c." We beg our readers to observe this reasoning. Plato mentions the Hymns of Orpheus; he also quotes two lines from a Hymn which is not extant; and, it may be added, another line from another Hymn which is not extant (Phileb. p. 66. Steph.); and perhaps Demosthenes refers to a Hymn which is extant; therefore the eighty-eight Orphic Hymns, besides the fragments now in existence, were composed by Orpheus, before the Trojan war, hundreds of years before the time of Plato and Demosthenes! According to this argument, if any suspected line in Homer were quoted by Plato or Demosthenes, or any other Attic writer, its authenticity would be proved beyond a question; and what indignation would be sufficiently great for one who should be so adventurous as to doubt that the lines from the Hymn to Apollo, cited by Thucydides, were written by Homer? If, however, instead of indulging his vein for satire, our critic had turned to the treatise of Cicero, (de Nat. Deor. i. 38), he would have found these words, Orpheum poëtam docet Aristoteles numquam fuisse. The passage referred to is indeed lost; but compare De Anima, p. 18, 26, Bekker, where Aristotle speaks of the Orphic Poems, as they are called, τà Ogpixà šπn naλoúuse. That there were certain hymns used in the Bacchanalian mysteries, and called after the name of Orpheus, in the time of Plato and Aristotle, or even earlier, we do not doubt; but if by genuine, it is meant that the hymns which we now have were the identical hymns extant at that time, and that these were written by a Thracian minstrel named Orpheus, before the Trojan war, we disagree in toto. The following view of the question seems to us so clear and correct, that we shall supersede all further argument and citation, recommending it to the attentive perusal of our readers and our censor, begging only pardon of the former for occupying so much space with a question which we are aware has long been considered as settled, by all persons possessing a competent knowledge of the language and early history of Greece. "The Orphic Hymns, which appear to have been invocations or litanies used in the Mysteries, are proved, both by the language and matter, to be of a date long subsequent to the Homeric times; there being in all of them abbreviations and modes of speech not then known; and the form of worshipping or glorifying the Deity by repeating adulatory titles not being then in use, though afterwards common."-Knight, on the Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology, p. 22. Felice e Claudina, Avvenimento tragico seguito in Milano il Gennajo 1827, colle veridiche Lettere di Loro corrispondenza, ed alcune poesie scritte su questo soggetto. Italia. (Milano) 1827. We never read in our life a more sickly, affected book, than this. The poetical compositions annexed to the tragical narrative which forms the subject of of this volume, are worthy of the prose which precedes them. We were disgusted beyond measure at seeing some pitiful foplings thus preferring to write verses in French rather than in their own language. We must say with sorrow and indignation, that this is the highest disgrace to the present degenerated race of Italians. How is it possible that there should be among them such mean apers of foreigners, who descend so low as to prefer the most unpoetical of modern languages to their own, the language of the Muses? Are there no Italian critics in existence-are all Italian sentiments destroyed -are the actual inhabitants of Italy so debased, as not to feel ashamed of these despicable scribblers? Had we known the names of any of the authors of those French couplets we should have thought it our duty to publish them along with their poetry, ad perpetuam rei memoriam. As it is, the poetry is not worth mentioning, either French or Italian. We shall therefore limit ourselves to record the awful facts related in this little book, which The are so extraordinary as to be interesting in the history of man. family names of the parties have been suppressed. We have thought that, as they were known to all Italy, we might as well publish them. Felice Doria was born in 1804 of respectable parents, hosiers by trade. He had the advantage of a liberal education, and was admired as a good dilettante performer of tragedies in private society. He was moreover fond of reading extravagant novels, sublimated romances of love, chiefly French, and was gradually so seduced by these poisonous charms as to think that there could be no happiness without some violent_love-intrigue. He was handsome, and very dandified in his manners. In May 1824 he saw a young and beautiful lady pass by the shop where he was apprenticed. He enquired her name, followed her at a distance to know where she lived, but on discovering her abode, he learned also that Claudina (such was her name) was betrothed to a M. Luigi Mariani, whom, in fact, she married a short time after. It appears that Felice tried to forget her, and actually had some serious thoughts of marriage, but was disappointed. He became acquainted with a brother of Claudina, then with her husband, and a very unlooked for circumstance introduced him to the family. He was walking one day, when a carriage being upset, he hastened to the assistance of the travellers, and found them to be the Mariani family. He accompanied Claudina Mariani to her house, was invited to it often, but his visits having become rather suspicious, the lady's brother charged Doria with attempting to seduce her, and he was ordered never to enter Mariani's house again. The lady had listened to his declarations of love: for having read as many romances as he had, she was not less wild in her ideas. Her feelings corresponded with his pas sionate excitement, but it appears undoubted that hers was entirely Platonic love. Doria, by the end of September 1826, determined upon leaving Milan for Germany, but was prevented by her, who reminded him of a certain oath, which was that they would never abandon each other. He therefore gave up this design, and it appears that his passion was worked up to a pitch bordering on madness. It was true love. E non è vero amor se non insania. He neglected all his duties, and only inflamed still more and more his imagination by the incessant reading of love-novels, when Claudina proposed to him to fulfil a promise made on his part to her, that he would never be separated from her, even in death. He consented to this, and they agreed to commit suicide. It seems that it was she who suggested even the manner of carrying their plan into execution. The father of Doria, perceiving his dejection of spirits, and his entire abandonment of his duties, tried, with the kindest paternal affection, to know from from him the cause of his strange conduct: he could not prevail upon him to disclose the truth, and the poor old man died of a broken heart. From a letter of Claudina, dated Jan. 7th, 1827, it appears that, among other strange notions which had entered the lovers' heads, there was this: that by their simultaneous death, her marriage being dissolved with Mariani, she would become the lawful wife of Doria in heaven! This is literally the idea which took possession of their senses; and hence they call each other sposo and sposa (betrothed). In this letter she gave him the final instructions for carrying their criminal plan into execution. It appears that, on account of the laws, which punish severely in all parts of the civilized world, except this country, the sale of any poisonous substance, there was some difficulty in getting a narcotic to be given to Luigi Mariani, that he might not interfere. Doria, however, got possession of some opium, which he sent to Claudina. On the 17th of January, every thing being adjusted for the following night, Claudina visited her friends, and was unusually lively, and even playful, with her family at dinner. The same was observed of Doria, who was particularly kind to all his acquaintances, and made generous presents to many to whom he conceived himself indebted. On the evening of the 18th of Jan., 1827, Claudina, together with her husband and father, went to the theatre. Doria was there. It appears that her father observed her looking at him, and in a friendly manner remonstrated with her for this conduct, whereupon, she said she would never more give reason for complaint. Her husband, on their return home, retired to bed, after having drunk of a kind of lemonade, into which Claudina put the opium. When he had fallen asleep, she appears to have herself admitted Doria into the house. They went to a room immediately adjoining that in which the husband was sleeping. The conceited coxcomb who wrote this "Tragico avvenimento," describes, as if he had been present, what was their behaviour, and repeats the very words which they said to each other. But as no one was present to see and hear them, we shall not translate the trash of this scribbler. It is enough to say that Claudina and Felice shot themselves, the former with firing a pistol into her mouth, and the latter a brace of them. The husband slept so soundly that he did not hear the terrible noise which the three simultaneous discharges produced. They were heard however, by a neighbour, who, thinking it was from the street, looked out of a window to know what was the matter, but, on the most perfect silence being restored, he thought no more of it, and returned to bed again. On the morning of the 19th, Mariani being unusually late, was called up. On awaking, and not knowing what had become of his wife, he burst open the door of the bed-room, when the horrible spectacle of the two corpses presented itself to him. He rushed out of the room terrified, calling aloud for help, and some neighbours, who ran to his assistance, saw the shocking scene. Claudina had a second pistol ready to fire, but had not strength to use it, although she seems not to have died immediately. Doria was entirely disfigured. They had adorned themselves with their mutual presents, such as rings, portraits, &c. She was in her morning déshabillé, he was dressed in black. They had left a short letter, addressed to their respective friends, and Claudina moreover left a will. It is a remarkable circumstance that, in all these papers, both the one and the other, but Claudina in particular, appear to have been very religious. Claudina's will ends with a solemn protest of her innocence, and with her asking pardon from God for her attempt (attentato as she calls it), which plainly shews she knew she did wrong. And yet it begins as follows: I declare that I have lived and I die in the catholic religion, firmly believing in the existence of a God, who who will reward the just and punish the guilty." Doria, in the last paper which he wrote, asked pardon of his mother, sister and brother, adding, "Do pray for our peace: if we can, we shall in return pray for you." We have not found any remarkable beauty or originality, or striking sublimity in those portions of Claudina's letters which have been inserted in this little volume. The only passage worth noticing is her sudden apostrophe to the night in which she was to commit suicide-"Oh notte! notte beata! . propizia renditi ai nostri fervidi voti. Con denso velo ed in profondo sonno avvolgi coloro tutti che ci potessero esse fatali." We do not know whether this is original, or whether it was suggested to Claudina by the sublime stanza of Tasso, Ger. L. c. xii. stanza liv. which was so much admired by Pope. The worst is not yet said. Claudina left three children! The two lovers requested to be buried together, which was not done, and they were both, moreover, denied a consecrated burial. This was as it ought to be. It was in vain that some philosophers endeavoured to prevent the manifestation of this mark of disapprobation of Claudina's conduct. These philosophers ought to know, that if Claudina did not sully her honour, she still abandoned her duty. She has no excuse for having suffered her mind to be contaminated. She brought desolation on her own as well as Doria's family by her conduct. This she did wilfully, and knowing clearly that she was doing what was not right. Society is not to be governed by poetical rules and by rambling follies of romancers. It would have been wrong to forego showing to her that only mark of censure which it was possible to show. She is not to be praised as a heroine; but rather condemned as a heartless mother, a bad wife, and a perverted woman. L'Eco di Milano; Giornale di Scienze, Lettere, Arti, Commercio e Teatri. THIS paper, which is edited by P. Lampato, is published three times a week at Milan. It is particularly interesting to the lovers of German literature, inasmuch as the fragmentary translations from Schiller, Goethe, and other ornaments of the German Parnassus, which occasionally appear in it, incontestably prove, that of all the daughter-dialects of the Latin language, none is so peculiarly qualified as the Italian tongue, faithfully and spiritedly to render the effusions of the German muse; in proof of which we subjoin the following translations of two short pieces of Goethe, together with the originals. Das Alter (Old Age.) Keins von allen (none of them.) 隱 La Vecchiaja. La vecchiaja è garbata persona E in istrada però non può star. Se ti fai servo, non sperar ne quai, I più ti tacceranno d'ambizione; Per uomo ti terran che non val niente. Il Esule; di R. Gionnone. Paris, 1829. THE scene of this poem is laid in the states of Modena, at the period of the latest commotions which agitated Italy, and the incidents are all founded on |