against them; surely the friends of peace may speak their minds and pursue their work without dismay: for the God of peace, the Prince of peace, the Gospel of peace are all for them, and every thing GOOD in heaven and in earth, in angels and in men, is on their side, to encourage their hearts, to strengthen their hands and to crown them with glory.

The cause of peace is of so amiable a character, that the more it is examined the more it will be admired; but the cause of war is in its nature so hateful and inhuman, that it needs only to be seen, to be detested. The time is at hand when the fascinating laurels of the blood-stained conquerors of the world, will fade and wither, by the influence of the SUN OF PEACE, and when such monsters will no longer be regarded as worthy of PRAISE for the innumerable robberies and murders they committed.

LETTER TO THE HON. MR. JEFFERSON. October 18, 1815.

SIR,

ALTHOUGH a stranger to you, I take the liberty to address you on a subject deeply interesting to humanity, I am encouraged to do this by a recollection of some things in your state papers, which I then regarded as indications that you had become convinced of the impolicy of war, and that you wished to avoid a rupture with foreign nations.

Near the close of the late war, I was somehow excited to examine the subject of war in general; and I became fully convinced, that the custom of settling national disputes by, war, is perfectly needless, unjust and inhuman, as well as antichristian; and that the custom is supported by delusion and a barbarous fanaticism. Under these impressions and convictions, I have published three pamphlets on the subject; a copy of each I send with this, soliciting you to accept and to peruse them.

Having some knowledge of your advanced age, your talents, and your weight of character, I am desirous that you should attend to the subject of the pamphlets, according to its importance, and that you should favor me with the result of your reflections-that if your opinion shall accord with mine, your testimony may be employed for the good of our country and the peace of the world.

Near the close of the second Number of the Friend of Peace you may find some encouraging facts.

Should I meet with encouragement, the Friend of Peace will still be continued quarterly. Any information or hints which you may give in favor of the glorious object, will be gratefully accepted by your sincere friend,

Hon. THOMAS JEFFERSON,

SIR,

late President of the U. S.

MR. JEFFERSON'S ANSWER.

Monticello, Jan. 29, 1816. YOUR letter, bearing date Oct. 18, 1815. came only to hand the day before yesterday, which is mentioned to explain the date of mine. I have to thank you for the pamphlets accompanying it, to wit, the Solemn Review, the Friend of Peace or Special Interview, and the Friend of Peace No. 2. The first of these I had received tbrough another channel some months ago, I have not read the two last steadily through, because where one assents to propositions as soon as announced it is loss of time to read the arguments in support of them. These numbers discuss the first branch of the causes of war, that is to say, wars undertaken for the point of honor, which you aptly analogize with the act of duelling between individuals, and reason with justice from the one to the other. Undoubtedly this class of wars is in the general what you state them to be, "needless, unjust and inhuman, as well as antichristian."

The second branch of this subject, to wit, wars under. taken on account of wrong done, and which may be likened to the act of robbery in private life, I presume will be treated of in your future numbers. I observe this class mentioned in the Solemn Review, p. 10, and the question asked, " Is it common for a nation to obtain a redress of wrongs by war?" The answer to this question you will of course draw from history; in the mean time reason will answer it on grounds of probability, that where the wrong has been done by a weaker nation, the stronger one has generally been able to enforce redress; but where by a stronger nation, redress by war has been

ture wrong.

neither obtained nor expected by the weaker; on the contrary, the loss has been increased by the expenses of the war in blood and treasure: yet it may have obtained another object equally securing itself from future wrong. It may have retaliated on the aggressor losses of blood and treasure, far beyond the value to him, of the wrong he had committed, and thus have made the advantage that too dear a purchase to leave him in a disposition o renew the wrong in future; in this way the loss by the war may have secured the weaker nation from loss by fuThe case you state of two boxers, both of whom get a "terrible bruising," is apposite to this; he of the two who committed the aggression on the other, although victor in the scuffle, yet probably finds his aggression not worth the bruising it has cost him. To explain this by numbers, it is alleged, that Great-Britain took from us before the late war near 1000 vessels, and that during the war we took from her 1400; that before the war she seized, and made slaves of 6000 of our citizens, and that in the war we killed more than 6000 of her subjects, and caused her to expend such a sum as amounted to 4 or 5,000 guineas a bead for every slave she made. Shs might have purchased the vessels she took for less than the value of those she lost, and have used the 6000 of her men killed for the purposes to which she applied ours, have saved the 4 or 5,000 guineas a head, and obtained a character of justice, which is valuahle to a nation as to an individual. These considerations therefore leave her without inducement to plunder property, and take men in future on such dear terms. I neither affirm nor deny the truth of these allegations, nor is their truth material to the question; they are possible, and therefore present a case which will claim your consideration in a discussion of the general question; Whether any degree of injury can render a recourse to war expedient? Still less do I propose to draw to myself any part in this discussion. Age, and its effects both on body and mind, has weaned my attentions from public subjects, and left me unequal to the labors of correspondence, beyond the limits of my personal concerns. I retire therefore from the question with a sincere wish, bat your writings may have effect in lessening this eatest of human evils, and that you may retain life and

health to enjoy the contemplation of this happy spectacle; and pray you to be assured of my great respect.

TH: JEFFERSON.

LETTER TO THE HON. MR. ADAMS.

SIR, -, January 23, 1816. HAVING for more than a year devoted much of my time to an inquiry relating to war, that terrible scourge of guilty nations; I am desirous of having the fruit of my inquiries examined by men, whose talents, situation and prospects will enable them to judge impartially The Rev. Mr. Norton informed me that you had condescended to read my writings on some other subjects. This has ex. cited a hope that you will read with candor what I have written on war and peace. I therefore send you a copy of " A solemn Review of the Custom of War," and three numbers of the "Friend of Peace.” Be pleased, sir, to accept them, with my best wishes for your present and future welfare.

I have sent similar copies to Mr. Jefferson, and intend soon to send to Mr. Jay. As I have no wish to conceal any part of my object in these communications, I will say—I hope to obtain a testimony from three able and aged statesmen, before they shall leave the world, which may be employed in favor of the object which lies so near my heart--the abolition of the most fatal custom which ever afflicted the human family. I cannot but hope that you and the other two gentlemen have been preserv ed to this late period, to perform a service, which will be remembered with gratitude for many ages; and which shall contribute to the temporal and eternal salvation of millions of your fellow beings. A few words from such men, while on the borders of eternity, may be the occasion of unspeakable good.

With the pamphlets, I also send a copy of the Constitution of the Massachusetts Peace Society, which has been recently formed. It would add much to my happiness to see your venerable name in the list of subscribers. We have indeed, many respectable names already yours would add to the joy of many, and particularly to that of your sincere friend,

Hon. JOHN ADAMS, formerly President of the U. S.

could he have given a more decided approbation of the object of the Friend of Peace. For the testimony contained in his letter, Mr. Jefferson is entitled to my sincere and grateful acknowledgments; and I hope it will be a means of opening the eyes of thousands, as to the impolicy and inhumanity of war.

REVIEW OF THE CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. ADAMS.

As the opinions of Mr. Adams relating to war are so evidently repugnant to my own, it will probably be a question with many, why the correspondence with him. has a place in this work. To such an enquiry it may be proper to answer,

First. Although the opinions of Mr. Adams are opposed to the object of the Friend of Peace, I regard bis letter as expressing his real opinions, and without any unfriendly feelings towards me, or any wish to injure his country. He indeed wrote with a kind of characteristic frankness, which is apt to be less pleasing when it appears in opposition to one's own opinions, than when it appears in their favor. But he certainly had a right to answer my letter according to his own views of war. Nor have I yet forgotten the time when I should have approved some of the sentiments which he has avowed.

Second. Mr. Adams unquestionably understood me as requesting his answer for publication, in the hope that it would accord with my views, and aid the cause which I wish to promote. Had I, then, published the letter from Mr. Jefferson, which favors my views, and suppressed the one from Mr. Adams, he, and many others, might have thought me partial, and disposed to conceal the opinions of influential men, if they happen not to accord with my own. He might also have supposed, that had I conducted impartially, his letter would not only bare counterbalanced the influence of Mr. Jefferson's, but have counteracted the tendency of the Friend of Peace.

It is however presumed, that Mr. Adams does not consider me as designing to bring evil on my country, 'but as misled by my feelings on the subject of war,—as he was when his "understanding and his heart accorded at first blush," with the solemn reasonings and pathet