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NARRATIVE.

HOWEVER OWEVER painful it may be to a modest mind to obtrude itself, and its concerns, on the notice of the public-and still more painful to enter into details, which may excite a disagreeable sensation in any of the human kind-yet, circumstances frequently occur, in life, from which such details become a duty, to self, to society, to truth, justice, and honor. In such circumstances, for several years past, I have felt myself unfortunately placed. Had these ceased to operate, perhaps, I should never have taken up my pen to record them; most assuredly, I would never have exposed them to public animadversion. But, as this has not been the case, and even now is not, I flatter myself that I shall not be deemed unjustifiable, after a long forbearance, in presenting them to

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the eyes of my countrymen; and, from past experience, I feel emboldened to confide in their candor, and hope for their indulgence.

As this detail will principally consist of grievances, severe in their pressure, extensive in their operation, and of long continuance, it will naturally be supposed that the criminality

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must have been great for which they have been for whic inflicted, under a government, equally celebrated for justice and mercy; and aggravated by an ecclesiastical body, from which unmerited severity should never be suspected.

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That the foundation of this supposition may be fairly estimated, I shall not confine myself to the alleged proximate causes of the grievances of which I complain. I shall briefly and fairly recite, so far as I can possibly recollect, every material occurrence of my life, and every part of my public conduct, previous to my long confinement and exile, which can be supposed to have incurred the wrath of the Irish government, or those who exercised its powers, in 1798; and the pious aud loyal severity of a small, but, latterly, a dominant party, among my rev. fathers and brethren of the synod of Ulster. This recital, I trust, will enable my readers to judge impartially between them and me'; and I have no doubt but their judgment will be founded in justice.

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Of the early part of my life I shall say My boyish years were spent in the usual, and, I am sorry to add, almost useless routine of Irish country schools. Indeed, I might say, to me altogether. useless, had it not been for the paternal attention and valuable instructions of the rev. Robert White, then Presbyterian minister of Templepatrick, in the county of An

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trim. To him I am indebted for my initiation into any thing approaching to knowledge of the elements and structure of the Latin and Greek languages-as also of logic, metaphysics, morals, and natural theology. In fact, he first taught me, not only to reason, but to think.

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On my going to the college of Glasgow, in my seventeenth year, I was happy in the friendship, as well as in the instructions, of several of the professors, particularly Mr. Moorhead, professor of Latin, one of the most general scholars of his day; and Dr. Adam Smith, a man well known, and justly celebrated, in all the nations of Europe. To the latter I owed much-very much indeed-during the short time of his continuance in the University, after my entrance. To Mr. Moorhead I was indebted, not only for his instructions, and the care with which he was pleased to direct the course of my studies; but for an early introduction to the learned, liberal, and pious Dr. Luchman, principal of the University-A man, whose name will ever be venerated by the friends of religious liberty, learning, truth, and unadulterated christianity. In my intercourse with him, I enjoyed every advantage which a youthful mind, engaged in the pursuit of knowledge, could reasonably hope for and such was his friendship, and that of Mr. Moorhead, that they honored me with their correspondence, as long as they lived.

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Gratitude

Gratitude here obliges to mention another name, which I must ever recollect with affectionate esteem. That is the name of Mr. John Millar, then professor of law, in the same University-a name too well known, in the literary and political world, to require encomium. To him I had the happiness of being introduced, rather as a friend than a student. And, by him was my attention first directed to jurisprudence, the principles of government, and the respective advantages and disadvan tages of the different forms under which it may be constructed and administered.

What particular effects his instructions then had upon my mind, I cannot now pretend to say. This only I know, and this I acknowledge, that they, and a few books to which he directed my attention, produced a yet unaltered conviction that absolute monarchy is not the best possible government, except in the hands of absolute perfection-that aristocracy is, and ever must be, a bad government-that despotism, under the masque of limited monar❤ chy, a mixed government, or a free state, is worse that any government, by favoritism, is worse still-and, that a government, of whatever description, the administration of which is entirely submitted to a faction, or sect-and, particularly, to upstarts and underlings of such faction

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faction-subject to the influence, and liable to the control, of spies, informers, and mercenary clerks in office, is worst of all.

In regard to a republic, or democracy, political theorists have presented nothing that could satisfy my mind. The states so called, whether antient or modern, are sources of information equally unsatisfactory. In no two of them has the constitution been the same. Their fate is the only thing in which they have been ever similar. In fact, rational republicanism, as appears to me, has never had a fair trial. And, as the executive power, under every form of Government, seems to be neces sarily entrusted to an individual; while the right of legislation is inherent in, and inseparable from, the people, whether that might be exercised in mass, or by representation, the difference between a limited monarchy and a well constituted republic is rather in name than reality, provided the chief magistrate be elected by the state, and amenable to the laws, under which he derives his authority. Whether he be denominated emperor, king, duke, stadtholder, consul, or president, is a matter of no importance.

This last paragraph I have inserted, that my readers may be enabled to form some general idea of my political creed, and the princi

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