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value, and expended above 501. part of which I was obliged to borrow: Nor can I now say, whether I was most actuated by affectionate esteem for the youthful candidate, confidence in his professions, or zeal for the interests of my country, in my quixotical excursions. Under the joint influence of the whole, Icanvassed, far and wide, regardless of interest, influence, and connexions; and succeeded so far as to provoke some of my best friends, by voting their tenants, for Mr. Stewart, contrary to their orders, and in their presence. Of that success, whatever it was, I was proud, at the time: tho', God knows, frequently have I regretted it, since, in the bitterness of my heart, not only on account of my country, but real pity for the then successful candidate. Even now, I cannot repress the thought that, had he been happily rejected, on that occasion, he would never have reached that pinnacle from which he hath fallen, at least unpitied that Ireland would yet have been the independent, proud, powerful, and affectionate sister of Britain-her Presbyterian church unfettered, and its extension unchecked.*

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Of my success on that occasion, lord C. retained a much higher opinion than I ever expressed, if a judgment may be formed from the following anecdote. A short time after my arrest, a particular friend of mine, alarmed by the dreadful reports industriously and artfully circulated of my criminality and consequent danger, asked his lordship, "what was to be done with me?" His answer was, "I do not know. Every

tion. In these conversations, I always took a decided part, as it was well known, from the year 1778, that parliamentary reform, and Catholic emancipation, without which reform was only an empty name, were objects near and dear to my heart. Nay in all conversations of the kind, for some years afterwards, I used all my powers, and influence to elucidate the principles, prove the necessity and diffuse the spirit, of union, with a view to attain them; and this I did, in the full conviction, not only, that I was laboring to insure the security of his Majesty's throne, and independence of Ireland, but discharging a most important, moral and religious duty. In these efforts, I felt a flattering encouragement from the resolutions, &c. with which the public papers teemed in the Spring of 1792: and the enthusiasm, with which all ranks looked forward, in the beginning of that summer, to the volunteer reviews, and the celebration of the French Revolution, tempted me to hope that government would see the wisdom, and feel the necessity, of conceding the measures, in question, to the public will.

This hope, as far as it related to Catholic Emancipation, was soon checked by an artful manoeuvre. This was the holding up a prospect of concession, not "total and immediate," but gradual and progressive." The reasons

signed for this delusive measure were, the profound ignorance of the Catholics, and consequent incapacity, not only of enjoying, but bearing liberty. These reasons, or rather shameless pretexts, though equally unfounded, insulting, aud blasphemous, imposed on a few, and gave others an excuse for opposing the public will, and public wish.

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To my astonishment, this delusion operated on a small party, in the enlightened and liberal town of Belfast; and displayed itself on the 14th. of July, after a public review. In a discussion, before the great volunteer body, there assembled, gradual emancipation was introduced, and pleaded for, on the ground of Catholic ignorance and incapacity; and the language, in which the impolicy, danger, and folly of total and immediate enfranchisement was expressed, excited disgust and indignation in the minds of the people. Several gentlemen ably rejected, and warmly reprobated, the assertions made, and sentiments expressed, by the promoter of opposition to the general sense of the assembly; and, latterly, something too warm seemed to pervade it, of which I feared the increase and the consequences. Under the influence of this fear, aud in hope of checking the heat of debate, I reluctantly yielded to the impulse of addressing the meeting: and, as argument was unnecessary, where there was nothing like argument

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to answer, after what had fallen from other gentlemen, I only hung a few rags of ridicule on the step-ladder of "gradual emancipation," which were eagerly laid hold of, and, in the heat of imagination, formed into a mantle, under which Mrs. "Time to Time" looked so silly, that her God-fathers were ashamed of, and abandoned her. In consequence, Lady "Total and Immediate" was unanimously adopted, embraced, and cheered.

From the publications in the Irish papers, and the multitudes, from all the neighbouring counties, who were present, on this occasion, the decision of the day was proclaimed far and wide, and, every where approved of. And as a number of gentlemen, from Dublin, warm friends of reform, and of their country, attended the meeting, it was soon known in the metropolis, by all ranks of people, and celebrated with rapture. New life, strength, and activity, were infused into the friends of union. The public papers teemed with resolutions, in its favor, from every town, every village, and every volunteer association, in Ulster, so as scarcely to leave room for the toasts, wet or dry, of the demi-patriotic societies, denominated " Whig Clubs," which embraced a great portion of the nobility, and landed property, of the province.

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Towards the end of the year, the idea of parish and county meetings was started, and eagerly pursued, till it led to a provincial convention, at Dungannon, February 15th. 1793. The object of these meetings was so clearly expressed, in the language of the county of Down, January 21st. and of the Dungannon meeting, February 15th. 1793, that it can neither be misunderstood, nor misrepresented, while words are allowed to have any meaning, or those, who use them, to possess common sense. This object was, that, "by free and general communication, the provincial will," regulated by the wisdom of the province, may be concentrated in a point, from which it may be directed to the other provinces of the kingdom, and flow, with clearness, harmony, and strength, into the houses of parliament, and presence of Majesty;"" in order that a complete and radical reform may be speedily effectuated."

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That, with a view to this reform, I used every exertion, of which I was capable, both in public. and private, to convince all, with whom I was conversant, of its necessity to restore our para lysed constitution, conciliate the public mind, and establish his Majesty's throne in the affections of the people; and of the equal necessity of union, among Irishmen, in order to obtain, perhaps, I might say, extort it, from the faction. E 2

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