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of grace fall short of its purpose and its glory in the day when death shall be swallowed up in victory. The Church, as the kingdom which the God of Heaven hath set up, can never be destroyed, nor shall it be delivered up to another people, but it shall consume and break in pieces all the kingdoms of the earth, and itself shall stand for ever.

We have finished our task, however imperfect the result. Hereafter we hope to examine with our readers one particular phase of the Mediæval period,—its mystical and ascetical teaching. This we shall be able the better to understand, now that we have seen the position held by the Middle Ages in Church history; have noticed their leading characteristics; have weighed, above all, their relation to the development of the Church's dogma, theological science and devotion, which have all necessarily affected her spiritual life. No one at least, we are convinced, will ever be able to grasp the full meaning of the mystical and ascetical works of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, who forgets Christ's kingship over the earth, or the establishment of the Feast of Corpus Christi:

In hâc mensâ novi Regis, On this table of the King,
Novum Pascha novæ legis Our new Paschal offering
Phase vetus terminat ;

Brings to end the older rite;
Vetustatem novitas,

Here for empty shadows fled,
Umbram fugat veritas ;

Is reality instead ;
Noctem lux eliminat.

Here, instead of darkness, light ! *



Ein Wort über den Start-Gott. Von Dr. G. Felix. Regensburg und New

York : Verlag von F. Pustet. (A few Words on the Idolatry of the State. By Dr. G. Felix. Pustet: Ratisbon

and New York.) Germany, Italy, and the Jesuits. A speech delivered before the Catholic

Union. By T. W. ALLIES, M.A. London : Burns & Oates.t
R. FELIX is one of many writers, who set themselves to

encounter views and principles which are as yet little known in England. In this country the Church has to contend with intolerance; but it is intolerance which is afraid for the


* F. Caswall's translation.

† The first part of this article was in type, before the Cologne Congress, had met, and before Mr. Allies's speech had appeared in print.

most part to avow its real character, or else it is the intolerance of religious bigots rather than of infidels. In Germany it is otherwise. There the old-fashioned liberalism, which proclaimed freedom for every sect and opinion, has passed away; and the State asserts its right of exercising an absolute control in religious matters. The comments in England and in Gerroany on the law for the expulsion of the Jesuits, may serve as an illustration. One at least of our influential journals condemned the law altogether, as an infringement of religious freedom. The

Saturday Review” defended it, but only in the most timid and apologetic way, and with an evident consciousness that it was sacrificing principle to party spirit.

Onc daily paper laboured to show that Prince Bismarck's motives in driving out the Jesuits were entirely political. But organs like the "Allgemeine Zeitung," or the "old-Catholic” Deutsche Merkur," speak in a very different tone. They look upon the religious education of the people as the special business of the State; and in their judgment a body which propagates opinions, regarded by the dominant party as opposed to “enlightenment" or “progress," is at once convicted of treason against legitimate anthority. They make no apology for the apparent intolerance of such a measure; for in their eyes a liberal State, which permits anti-liberal influences to exert themselves within its territory, is resigning its proper office and betraying its own weakness. The persecution of the Jesuits is only one part of an avowed and organized system for the persecution of the Church in general. Since the secularization of 1802, freedom in teaching has been unknown in Germany. No college or school can be opened without leave from the government, and liberals have consistently curtailed the freedom of Catholics in this respect whenever they thought it safe to do so. They are now interfering with the freedom of the pulpit and the immunity of the confessional. The other day a liberal paper said the government ought to insist that all candidates for the priesthood should go through a complete course in the Gymnasium and the University, under professors appointed by the State. After that, the bishops might place them in seminaries, and teach them, if they pleased, the irrational dogma of Papal infallibility. But even this modicum of liberty aroused the indignation of tlic “old-Catholics." Their official paper, the “Deutsche Merkur,” protested against halfmeasures like this, and declared that any statesman who wished his country's good must see to it, that the doctrine of Papal infallibility was tanglit veither in the universities nor in the seminaries. These proposals are made in plain terms, and without any attempt at apology or concealment. In fact German liberals seem to have forgotten the very possibility of any one seriously believing in toleration and liberty of opinion. In a recent article on “Catholicity in England,” the "Allgemeine Zeitung” expressed its amazement, that the English Government could sit with folded hands, while convents arise in every part of the country and ultramontanism is rampant. It could find no explanation for this extraordinary phenomenon, except in the sage supposition that Jesuit influences were brought to bear upon Mr. Gladstone. And though it is against the Catholic Church that the liberal fanaticism is chiefly directed, it by no means ends there. “The State," Hegel said, “is the living God”; and many of his countrymen seem resolved to carry out the principle in all its consequences. If the State is absolutely supreme, religion is no more than a means for promoting order, which the State can alter and modify at will to secure its own ends. The Catholic Church is the first great obstacle in its path. It makes a marked division among Germans, whose one and only thought should be the political greatness of Germany; while its hierarchical constitution, and connection with foreign countries, are a constant check to political absolutism. The Church is to be got out of the way to begin with. When that is effected, the main part of the work is over. Still something remains to be done, before Germany can be called really one." The efforts of ecclesiasti- . cal parties among German Christians," says Professor Holtzendorf,* "are essentially anti-national. Catholicity, which has now degenerated into ultramontanism, is the enemy of the people. The Protestant national Church is the enemy of German unity.” Besides, there are dogmatic differences among Protestants; and to get genuine unity among Germans, there must be a German Christianity from which dogma is eliminated altogether. The “ Allgemeine Zeitung” has devoted a series of articles to this subject.

Dr. Felix shows in his pamphlet, which is written with a good deal of ability, the effects to which this idolatry of the State necessarily leads. If people are brought up to believe that the State is absolutely supreme, and that God has no claim on their consciences, they will not be content to stop there. Selfish and individual interests will become the rule of action. The lower classes will refuse to submit to the supremacy of the State, so long as the State is identified with the educated few. Liberalism will pave the way for communism; and prove fatal to the interests of government, which it was meant to serve. It begins by declaring war on religion, because it considers

* “ Das deutsche Reich und die Constituirung der christlichen Religionsparteien auf den Herbstversammlungen im J. 1871." Berlin : 1872.

VOL. XIX.—NO. XXXVIII. [New Series.]


religion unpatriotic: it will end by destroying patriotism as well. Dr. Felix supports his assertion with a number of theological arguments. The events of the late war have practically demonstrated the ruin which irreligion brings upon a nation. Infidelity has long been widely spread in Germany. Still, the influences of religion have not been so systematically banished from the schools, as in France. During the war, the Germans showed themselves a more religious and a more moral people than their enemies; and to this, as Bishop Ketteler said last year in the Mayence Congress, they owed their victory. But though the French were conquered, French principles have taken the Germans captive ; and German statesmen are doing their best to carry out the anti-Christian principles, which have already brought about the destruction of France.

We cannot expect, that either reasoning like that of Dr. Felix, or the evidence of recent history, strong as it is, will produce much effect upon the dominant party. Even the more orthodox of the German Protestants are ready, as a rule, to unite with infidels in attacks directed primarily against the Church, but ultimately against all belief in the supernatural. There are indeed Protestants, and they deserve all honour, who are free from such sectarian blindness, and are large-minded and courageous enough to support the “Central Faction,” which represents Catholic interests in the Imperial Chambers. But cases like this are quite exceptional; and in the struggle between the State and the Church, Catholics must rely upon themselves. We propose, then, to try and form some estimate of the state of Catholics during this crisis in Germany; of the dangers which threaten them; of the forces which they have at their command; and of their prospects in the future.

To begin with the dark side of the picture. The religious orders have not exercised during this century any appreciable influence on the higher education in Germany; but teaching orders have been employed to a considerable extent in the education of the lower orders, and the secular clergy have been closely connected with the gymnasia and universities. In Bavaria very many, and in other parts of Catholic Germany a considerable number, even of the secular professors are priests ; and out of school the pupils have enjoyed full religious freedom. Since the Council, very important changes have been introduced. In Prussian territory the religious orders have been forbidden to teach, while the law regarding school inspection has loosened the bond between the clergy and the parish schools. In the universities, some of the theological chairs are occupied by priests who have abandoned the Faith ; and in the gymnasia the children of Catholic parents are forced to receive religious instruction from ecclesiastics of the same kind. The pupils at the Catholic schools and colleges are now forbidden, under pain of expulsion, to join pious confraternities; and we must remember that in Germany exclusion from the gymnasium means exclusion from all public preferment. Moreover, under the Prussian Government, a priest who is devoted to the interests of the Church has little chance, whatever his learning or abilities may be, of obtaining even a theological chair. Bonn, for instance, all the professors except one belong to the old-Catholic movement, and receive their salaries, though they give no lectures; while Dr. Kaulen, a biblical scholar of great reputation, but a decided Catholic, has been for many years a privat-docent, and is likely to remain in this humble position for many years to come. All this is bad enough, but unless the government is alarmed by the energetic resistance of the Catholic population, it will only be the beginning of evil. An extract from a pamphlet of Dr. Hinschivs may give us some idea of the laws which may be in store for German Catholics. He is a canonist supposed to be in special favour with the court of Berlin; he has just been appointed to a professorship in the university of the capital, with a seat and a vote in the Prussian ministry of Public Worship, so that his utterances are invested with a semi-official character. He professes* that the “neo-Catholics(i.e, of course all Catholics—all persons who accept the definition of the Vatican Council) + should be excluded from teaching religion in all State or communal schools : that in these schools the teaching of the neo-Catholic doctrine should be prohibited; that an end should be put to the Catholic faculties of theology in the universities." In other words, he wishes to make the schools and universities antiCatholic; and to force the children of Catholic parents to attend them, or else to sacrifice their prospects in life. There is no need to dwell upon the effects of such measures if they can be carried out.

Fortunately there is much to be set on the other side. The Prussian liberals, and their allies in the dependent states, may find after all that the auspicious moment for a thorough-going persecution of the Church has not yet arrived. Great hopes were entertained of the old-Catholic schism, but it has proved a ludicrous failure. Thirty out of the thirty thousand priests in Germany have rebelled against the authority of the Church. Some of them, it is true, are men of learning; but except Dr. Döllinger himself, none of them stand in the first rank

“ Die Stellung der deutschen Staatsregierungen gegenüber den Beschlüssen des vatikanischen Concils," 62.

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