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of intoxication on the savage kings of the coast, are truly dreadful; this state of madness is usually a prelude to the traffic in slaves. The feeble light of Mahometism has done something toward in structing the negroes, and communicating knowledge; what has the superior radiance of Christianity effected? These, and many other principles of equal importance are powerfully enforced by the worthy author. But we principally regard this volume as a collection of facts, which, arranged in their proper order, almost necessitate the result he wishes.

On the mode of procuring slaves, we need say nothing; but we may refer our readers to Mr. Bruce's account of the manner in which this traffic is effected, and the incidents connected with it on the Eastern coast of Africa. Vide Panorama, P. 1196.

1. The bill for regulating the middle passage is an instance that dreaded effects may be warded off and prevented.

terests; and that the prospect of immediate advantage may cause them to be insensible a greater but more distant benefit?

2. The argument that the present stock of negroes will decrease without importa tions, appears to be unfounded, because,

rican population, without taking into the According to the last census of the Ame account any importations, the negroes had increased so much in the ten years last preceding the augmentation, that, advancing at the same rate, their numbers would be dou bled in about twenty-four years.

Again, in Bencoolen, which has been a counted one of the most unhealthy clinates on earth, the negro slaves had increased. Maroons, the descendants of the negro slaves, who, when the island was originally captured, made their escape into the mou tains, and ever afterwards lived the life savages; the Maroons, who were acknow ledged by the West Indians themselves to be, under peculiar circumstances, so unfavou able to the maintenance of their numbers, that their decrease would furnish no fair a gument for the general impossibility of keep ing up the stock, were found by actual enmeration to have nearly doubled their nu bers in the period between 1749 and 1782.

Even in the island of Jamaica itself, the

In the island of Jamaica, the domestic slaves were said by Long to increase rapidly. The free blacks and the mulattoes, it was al lowed by Mr. Long, increased. Severa

When parliament entered into the investigation of the situation and treatment of the slaves, during the middle passage; notwithstanding the decisive proofs, adduced, and fatally confirmed by the dreadful mortality, of the miseries which the slaves endured on shipboard, the slave traders themselves gave a directly opposite account; maintained that the slaves were even luxuriously accommodated, and, above all, that they had abun-particular instances were adduced of gangs of dant room, even when there was not near slaves having been kept up, and even having space sufficient for them to lie on their increased, without importations; and one of backs. They added likewise, that at that the most eminent of medical men in Jamaica, very period the trade hung by a thread, and who had under his care no less than 4,00) that the proposed limitation as to numbers, if negroes, stated, that there was a very com carried into a law, would infallibly and utter-siderable increase of negroes on the propertie ly ruin it. The agent for the West Indies of that island, particularly in the parish in joined in their opposition, and predicted the which he resided. mischief which would follow. The limitation was adopted; and scarcely had a elapsed, before we heard from the West Indics, from the Assembly of Jamaica itself, of the benefits which the measure was likely to produce, on account of the gross abuses which had before notoriously prevailed, fatal alike to the health of the slaves and the interest of the planters. Many years have now elapsed, and it is at length universally acknowledged, that the measure has eminently contributed to the interest of every One of the parties concerned. May we not infer, that probably in other parts of this question, the parties do not always judge very accurately with respect to their real in

year

* Vide evidence taken before the House of Commons. Vide the late publication of a professional planter.

It appears by official returns from the West India islands to the Privy Counci that the negro population was on the increase at present, though not formerly according to the annexed table,

The excess of deaths above the births, or annual decrease of slaves, was, From 1699 to 1730

1730 to 1755

31 per cent.

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1755 to 1768

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1768 to 1788

This was, in fact, an increase, becaus the proportion of those which died soo after importation, amounted to more than

this

per centage.

3. The trade to Africa is destructive te British seamen.

Nothing was more vehemently repelled, or more obstinately denied by the traders, than this position, till at length, having long borne with these clamorous contradictions, the muster-rolls of the African ships were moved for and laid before Parliament; documents which had been kept in the possession of our opponents, and which cannot therefore be supposed to have been fabricated or coloured to serve our purpose. From these papers,

It appeared, that of 12,263 persons, the humber of the original crews, there had died 2,643, the average length of their voyages being twelve months; whilst on the contrary, in the West Indian trade, in which the length of the voyage was seven months, of 7,640, the number of the original crews, there had died only 118. But the loss by deaths was not the whole loss to the country; for, besides the broken constitutions of the survivors, which rendered many of them, for the rest of their lives, incapable of the duties of their profession, so many left their ships in consequence of ill usage, that they seldom brought home more than half the persons they had taken out.

In consequence we find the most respectable naval commanders acknowledging that the slave trade is no nursery for seamen. This truth was even frankly confessed by a noble admiral on whose general testimony our opponents set the highest value.

4. The danger of insurrection in the islands is from negroes recently imported.

The slave trade not only aggravates the danger of the West Indian settlements, by increasing the disproportion between blacks and whites, but still more by introducing that very description of persons which has been acknowledged by the most approved West Indian writers to be most prone to insurreetions. Here let us refer again to the historian of Jamaica. "The truth is," says he, "that ever since the introduction of Africans "into the West Indies, insurrections have "occurred in every one of the colonies, "British as well as foreign, at times."* Again, "The vulgar opinion in England "confounds all the blacks in one class, and

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. 16,760 "So large a multitude as 27,000 introduced "in the space of two years and a half, fur"nishes a very sufficient reason, if there was

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no other, to account for plots and muti"nies."* Let it be remembered, that since Mr. Long's book was published, in 1774, there have been retained probably above 200,000 negroes.

This danger certainly is not diminished by the events of which St. Domingo has lately been the scene; and how far Bonaparté in revenge may succeed in detaching emissaries with full powers from that island to the British islands, cannot easily be determined.

5. The defence of the West India islands by European troops, is, undoubted ly, very expensive of money and lives. Yet we dare not leave them to the protec tion of their own natives, whites and blacks, lest the latter should execute those purposes which are stated in the former argument. We remember that M. Necker tells us when France was commencing war against Britain, M. de Sartine gave him a proposal for sending 40,000 troops to the West Indies; wherein was a note, "Deduct for deaths the first year, in the seasoning, one third, 13,330!" By disease, without seeing an enemy! What the proportion may now be, since a formidable malady has swept off its victims by myriads, we do not enquire.

6. Colonial legislatures, notwithstanding the time this subject has been under discussion, have not effectually suppressed the misconduct of planters, &c. in the islands, in respect to their slaves.

In the year 1796 a committee, consisting of the most respectable West Indian proprietors, having been appointed to take into consideration what steps should be taken respecting the slave trade, resolved among other things, that, for the joint purposes of op"posing the plan of Mr. Wilberforce, and

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establishing the character of the West "Indian planters, it is essential that they "should manifest their willingness to pro inote actively the cause of the negroes, by "such steps as shall be consistent with safety to the property of individuals, and the Vol. ii. P. 442.

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general interest of the colonies; " and they requested a most justly respected member of the House of Commons to move in parliament, "That an address be presented to His "Majesty, requesting him to recommend to "the colonies the adoption of such mea

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sures, as may promote the increase of the "negroes, gradually diminish the necessity "of the slave trade, and ultimately lead to its complete termination; and also as may conduce to their moral and religious improvement, and secure to them the cer"tain, immediate, and active protection of "the law." This address was moved and carried with the warm support of all the West Indian party in parliament; and was transmitted to the governors of all the islands by the Duke of Portland, accompanied by letters urging the colonial legislatures to second the wishes of the House of Commons; private and confidential letters being written to explain to the councils in the different islands, the amicable purpose with which this otherwise perhaps questionable measure had been proposed, and assuring them, "that the adoption of some legislative provisions relative to the negroes was indispensably necessary, not only to stop for the present, "but gradually to supersede the very preten*sions at a future period, to a measure of

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direct abolition of the slave trade by the "mother country."

But how different has been the issue! You are already apprized of the conduct of the island of Barbadoes, to which Lord Seaforth, most honourably glad to avail himself of an opportunity of introducing the measure under such favourable auspices, recommended the rendering a capital crime, the wilful murder of a negro, which is now punishable only by a fine of about £11. 10s. sterling.

The assembly of Jamaica assert," that the right of obtaining labourers from "Africa is secured to them on the most so"lemn engagements; and that they never **can give up, or do any act that may ren

der doubtful, this essential right." The General Council and General Assembly of all the Leeward islands state, "that the right "f procuring labourers from Africa, has "been secured to us by repeated acts of par

liament, &c. We, therefore, never can * abandon it, or do any thing that may ren"der doubtful this essential right." The language of these answers is but too intelligible.

The legislature of Jamaica had passed a law rendering the murder of a slave a capital crime, and containing various other salutary regulations, before the motion for abolishing the slave trade had been brought forward.

About two years ago, on the application of His Majesty's secretary of state to the gover

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legislature, entitled, " An Act for the "Encouragement, Protection, and better "Government of Slaves," appears to have "been considered, from the day it was passed, until this hour, as a political mea sure to avert the interference of the mo"ther country in the management of slaves.

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Having said this, your lordship will not "be surprised to learn, that the 7th clause of "that bill has been wholly neglected."

We cannot but regret that the colonial legislatures should be insensible to the force of the argument arising from the danger of the islands, by excess of the black population above the white. They hold their property, and their lives too, by the feeble tenure of negro loyalty: loyalty which is well aware what success others of its complexion have met with, and which wants not opportunity to make the same attempt.

It would have given us great pleasure, had it been our duty to report, that the colonists, imitating the example of some among them, had paid that attention to their slaves which humanity and christia nity demand. Had they condescended to study their welfare, their social habits and feelings, the system of reward as well as punishment, the support of their strength and health, the privileged increase of their families, and the art of ensuring their attachment, one half of the arguments in the work before us would have been answered at a word. Had the planters, having no law, been a law to themselves, and established the fashion of treating their labourers like rational creatures and fellow men, there would have been little occasion to accuse the colonial legislatures of want of attention to the condition of so great a proportion of their population. Or, could the laws enacted by the colo nial legislatures have been faithfully exe. cuted, and their regulations been esta blished bona fide in the house, and in the field, there would have been equally lit tle occasion for an appeal to the British

Parliament, and for interesting the mother country in this examination. But, if the laws of the island assemblies are a dead letter, if they are never enforced, and if when crimes are committed in direct opposition to them, they continue silent, and ineffective; if murder committed on a slave loses the properties of murder, if punishments cruelly inflicted are continued, if miseries of whatever kind are prolonged by the worst description of planters, the inference is clear, the British legislature must do that to which the colonial government is inadequate, the feelings of the mother country must determine that which the want of feeling in the islands refuses to decide; what cannot be accomplished abroad must be effected at home; and thus without reflecting in the least on the character or conduct of the worthy and generous planters, those steps must be taken which shall be felt by the unworthy and the ungenerous; these are the proper subjects of censure, and of punishment too, if they view the present subject in that light, while approbation of every kind may be due to others. And the time is now come when the difference will clearly appear between those who have fostered their negroes to their increase, and those who have worked them unmercifully. If the importation were to cease to day, there are planters who would not feel the prohibition; their population is established non-importation will not diminish it they desire no augmentation : while others who have exhausted their negroes by over exertion, who have wearied them by the whip, who have prevented their increase, and have exerted power without mercy, will find them: selves distressed in their turn, by the want of labourers; so be it: for to planters of this description, who have used their former property so ill, who will confide an additional number of lives?not even of oxen or horses: much less of human beings, fellow men, fellow immortals!

There are many observations made in the course of this summary, which evince not only a benevolent mind, and much information on the part of the worthy author, but also his desire to attain his object in a sedate and dispassionate way, without fury, enthusiasm, or commo

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A useful book; but it will prove most useful if it leads officers to make themselves masters of experiments like the present, and of others in their own persons. Let them never fear the acquisition of too much practical knowledge of what can be done. When the time comes for the application of such knowledge, wishing will be too late; but those who possess it will find it turn to good ac

count.

A principle may lie dormant in the mind for years, yet at last may be called into exercise; and whoever leads a regiment to victory, or what is still more difficult, brings it off handsomely though hardly pressed, will have no reason to regret his previous studies, under whatever name he engaged in them.

The first experiment was a charge of light cavalry on artillery: a single horseman; distance 600 yards, number of discharges 13, time 115 seconds-2. Infantry attacking artillery: a single soldier; distance 250 yards, number of discharges 12, time 49 seconds.-3. Cavalry charging infantry, distance 400 yards, number of discharges 3.-4 Feint of cavalry attacking infantry, in order to draw away their fire; distance 250 yards. The moment the infantry has given their fire, the dragoon wheels up and charges: arrived at the soldier before he could fire: had just time to load again, but not to fire.—5. Infantry attacking infantry, distance 250 yards, discharges 5, time 90 seconds.6. Infantry in a compact body, distance 250 yards, discharges 7, time 145 seconds.-7. Infantry in a compact body attacking artillery, distance 250 yards, discharges 14, time 117 seconds.

These experiments occupy but a small part of the work; the remarks and illustrations contain a body of information on the subject of tactics, drawn from various authors, and not restricted to the investigation of the immediate system. We have very good advice addressed to both officers and soldiers. We agree with our

author, that cavalry and infantry ought to be drilled together to a certain degree, i. e. so far as to understand the principle

of each other's movements, and to be able to form a judgement of each other's intentions from whatever manoeuvres appear preparatory to the execution of those intentions. Our author insists that British troops possess as much fiery courage and impetuosity as the French; and are much stronger men; that the bayonet is our national weapon; that a rank of pikes is preferable to a third rank of firelocks [the mixture of Queen Elizabeth's days renewed!] that soldiers should be inured to muscular exercise; that the principles of manœuvres should be explained to them; "thus would a soldier conceive a relish for his profession, become active and vigorous, strong in arm, swift of foot, and hardy in constitution." We have also much learning on military subjects, from Roman and French authors, and from references to British military accoutrements of former times, which are by no means uninteresting, even now.

Cases and Cures of the Hydrophobia, selected from the Gentleman's Magazine. pp. 76. price 2s. Stace, London. 1807.

We

THE Gentleman's Magazine may be quoted in proof of the advantages attending periodical publications. It was the first of the kind; and in the course of so many years as it has been in circulation, it could not well fail of comprising a number of valuable communications. do not perceive that any great skill was necessary in compiling the present pamphlet; but we know that able practitioners may take a hint from less promising documents. We shall copy two articles, which may be useful.

Symptoms of Canine Madness, as observed

by Mr. Meynell.

A total loss of appetite, generally early; though I have seen dogs eat and lap water the day before their death, which generally happens between seven and ten days after the first symptom has appeared. A mad dog will not, I believe, cry out on being struck, or shew any sign of fear on being threatened, though he will, very late in the disease, appear sensible of kind treatment.-I have never known a mad dog shew symptoms of the disease in less time after the bite than ten days; and I have known many instances of dogs having died mad as late as eight months after the bite. I think the symptoms generally appear between three and eight weeks

after the bite.-A mad dog, in the height of the disorder, has a disposition to bite all other When not pro

dogs, animals, or men. voked, he usually attacks only such as come in his way; but, having no fear, it is peculiarly dangerous to strike at or provoke him.Mad dogs appear to be capable of communicating the affection early in the disorder, and as soon as they begin to quarrel with or bite other dogs.-The eyes of mad dogs do not look red or fierce, but dull, and have a реси. liar which is easily distinguished appearance, by such as have been used to observe it, but not easy to be described.-Mad dogs never bark, but occasionally utter a most dismal and plaintive howl, expressive of extreme distress; and which they who have once heard can never forget. So that the dogs may be known to be going mad, without being seen, when only this dismal howl is heard.-Mad dogs do not foam or froth at the mouth, but their lips and tongue appear dry and foul, or slimy.-Though mad dogs generally refuse both food and drink in the latter stage of the disorder, yet they never shew any abhorrence or dread of water; will pass through it without difficulty, and lap it eagerly to the last. But it is remarkable, that though they lap water for a long time, and eagerly, and do not seem to experience any uneasiness from it, yet they do not appear to swallow a single drop of it; for however long they may continue lapping it, no diminution of quantity can be perceived.

There are two kinds of madness, both of which I have known to originate from the bite of the same dog. Among huntsmen, one is known by the name of raging, the other by that of dumb, madness. In dumb madness, the nether jaw drops, and is fixed, the tongue hangs out of the mouth, and slaver drops from it. In raging madness, the mouth is shut, except when the dog snaps or howls, and no moisture drops from it.

The hairs of a mad dog do not stand erect more than those of other dogs. I do not know that there is any thing remarkable in the manner of a mad dog's carrying his head or his tail. I do not believe that dogs are more afraid of a mad dog than of any other dog. M. Pelit's manner of discovering whether a dead Dog had been mad.

When a person hath been bit by a dog that is apprehended to be mad, it commonly hap pens that the dog is killed before one is assured of his condition. M. Petit, an eminent surgeon in France, has discovered an expedient for putting an end to this uneasi ness. He rubs the throat, the teeth, and the guns of the dead dog with a piece of meat that hath been dressed, taking care that there be no blood to stain it, and then offers it to a living dog. If he refuses it with crying and howling, the dead dog was certainly mad but if he eats it, there is nothing to fear.

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