That fagacious ftatesman begins his difquifition (for fuch it really is) with expreffing great regard for what he calls "the worldly felicity of Scotland." This, he fays, can be fecured only by Scotland's maintaining a perpetual peace with England, or being made one monarchy with England, as they both make but one ifle, divided from the reft of the world. If they are to continue feparate kingdoms, a perpetual peace, he fays, can be preferved only by allowing no authority whatever to Frenchmen in Scotland. The reader is aware that when this memorial was written, the Sovereign of Scotland was likewife Queen of France, or, as the Memorialift ftyles her, the French King's wife! To prevent French influence, therefore, he propofes, in the first place, that the land might by the three eftates be freed from idolatry as England was; that the government fhould be in effect transferred from the Queen to a Council; with the Chiefs of the Houfe of Hamilton, the next heirs to the crown, at its head; and that the Queen, during her abfence, should be allowed only a portion, or penfion, as he might have called it, from the revenue of the kingdom!

"In thefe and the like points, he fays, if the French King and the Queen be found unwilling, and will withftand the provifion for the weale of the land; then hath the three eftates of the realm authority forthwith to intimate to the faid King and Queen their humble requests; and if the fame be not effectually granted, then humbly they may commit the governance thereof to the next heir of the Crown, binding the fame alfo to obferve the laws and ancient rights of the realm!

"Finally, if the Queen fhall be unwilling to this, as it is likely fhe will, in refpect of the greedy and tyrannous affliction of France; then it is apparent, that Almighty God is pleased to transfer from her the rule of the kingdom for the weale of it: and in this time great circumfpection is to be used, to avoid the deceits and trumperies of the French. And then may the realm of Scotland confider, being once made free, what means may be devifed, through God's goodness, to accord the two realms, to endure for time to come, at the pleasure of Almighty God, in whofe hands the hearts of all princes be." Vol. I. p. 377.

It is probable that Cecil perceived how ungrateful this mixture of religious cant and rebellion; this making and unmaking of Sovereigns by their own fubjects, would be to the defpotic fpirit of Elizabeth; for he immediately proceeds to anfwer, on different principles, the queftion; "Whether it be meet that England fhould help the Nobility and Proteftants of Scotland to expel the French or no?”

He

He admits that it is against God's law to aid any fubjects against their natural princes; that it would be dangerous to do fo; that after the aid fhould be given, and much money fpent, the Scotch might unite with the French against England; and that the Emperor, the Catholic King, the Pope and Potentates of Italy, and the Duke of Savoy, might confpire with the French King to prevent the two Monarchies of England and Scotland from being joined in one manner of religion against the See of Rome; whilft "it may be doubted, he fays, that many, as well Scots as English, who can like very well to have these two kingdoms perfectly knit together in amity, will not allow them to be knit in a like religion." From this doubt it appears how thoroughly, even at that early period, Cecil was acquainted with the dif pofitions of the Scotch reformers, and the avarice of the Lords of the Congregation.

He was determined, however, to maintain the right of Elizabeth, to fupport the reformers against her hated rival, their legitimate Sovereign; and therefore reprefents fuch a ftep of the English Queen as nothing more than a measure of neceffary felf-defence against fimilar machinations of Mary. As Mary was really engaged in no fuch machinations at that particular period, he feems not to have been perfectly fatisfied with this pretence, and therefore revives, in behalf of Elizabeth, the claims of fuperiority over the the kingdom of Scotland, which Henry VIII. had fo lately and impolitically revived, when demanding the infant Queen of Scots in marriage to his fon the Prince of Wales. Had that claim been well-founded, the inference drawn by the Treafurer would have admitted of no reply. For, as he. fairly reafons,

"If it may appear that the French King, by pretence of the marriage of an heir of Scotland, will alter the laws, liberties, and cuftoms of Scotland, and will fubvert the lawful heirs of the Scottish blood to the Crown, and deprive the barons and ftates of the realm of their inheritance, whereby the French nation and blood may poffefs that land; then the Crown of England is bound, in honour and confcience, to defend and protect the realm of Scotland against the French. And fo doth the first question alter in the moft principal point; for then is not the cafe be twixt fubjects and a natural Prince, but betwixt a fuperior King and a realm of the one part, and an inferior King alone joining with ftrangers on the other part." P. 379.

This would be un nfwerable, had the foundation on which. it refts been folid; but Henry having united against himself, all

all parties in Scotland, by reviving the fame claim, Cecil was, probably, afraid of a fimilar union against Elizabeth. He returns, therefore, to the plea of neceffary felf-defence, which he builds on Mary's having quartered the arms of England with thofe of France and Scotland, on her plate, and even on the great feal which fhe had lately fent into Scotland, and on "her own difdainful fpeech to divers perfons, and amongst others, to fome of the Queen's Majefty's (Elizabeth's) gentlewomen being in France."

"Then followeth another, though no difficult question, whether it be meeter or more profitable for England to continue the Scots (the Lords of the Congregation) in their ftrength and defence, than to leave them, and be at the charges of our own defence? In continuance of the Scots, our people is fpared, and our country in peace, only fome treafure is to be fpent. In our defence, our people must be spent, our country fpoiled and wasted; and as to expence of treasure, ten times more to be spent that way tha the other." P. 382.

We are told by the Editor, that "at the beginning of this paper, is a fhort note in Sir Robert Cotton's hand, as follows:"

"Notwithstanding that this month of Auguft, 1559, the treaty of Upfatlington, between the Queen of England, and Mary and Francis of Scotland, was made and confirmed (it had been made in May, and was confirmed in Auguft ;) yet did fhe (Elizabeth) as appears by this confultation in the hand of Sir William Cecil, her fecretary, continue her purpose of aid in fupport of the faction in Scotland by Murray." P. 383.

It was for this unworthy purpose that Sir Ralph Sadler was fent to Berwick, and joined in commiffion with the Earl of Northumberland, and Sir James Crofts, Knight. The oftenfible object of that commiffion, and all, indeed, with which the Earl appears to have been made acquainted, was, in conjunction with Scotch commiffioners, to redress mutual grievances on the borders, and to contrive means for preferving the peace on them, as well as for the ranfoming of prifoners. The object, however, of Sir Ralph's miffion is clearly detailed in the following letter, which the editor informs us, is in the hand-writing of Cecil, and addreffed "Te our truftie and welbeloved Sir RAFE SADLEYR, Knight.

"ELIZABETH R.

"Trufty and welbeloved, we grete you well. Lyke as we have uppon greate truft conceaved in you, conferred for certen fpeciall fervice to be doone by you uppon our frontiers towards Scotlande,

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BRIT. CRIT. VOL. XXXVII. MAY, 1811.

Scotlande, fo doo we authorize you to confer, treate, or practife with any maner of perfon of Scotland, ether in Scotland or England, for thofe purpofees, and for the furderance of our fervice, and of any other thyng that may tend to make a perpetuall concord betwixt the nation of Scotland and ours. We do alfo authorife you to reward any manner of perfon of Scotland, with fuch fomes of money as ye fhall thy nk mete to be taken, of the fome of three thousand pounds, which we have ordered shuld be delyvered unto you in gold. Wherin fuch discretion and fecrecy is to be used, as no part of your doings maye empayre the treatyes of peace lately concluded betwixt us and Scotland. And for enlargement of our furder meaning in this, we referr you to confider a memory all of certen articles to be delyvered to you by our Secretary; whereunto ye fhall not neede to have furder refpect than the opportunity of the tyme will requyre. Given under our fignett the 8th of Auguft, at Nonfuch, 1559, the firft yere of our reigne." P. 392.

The meaning of this letter is obvious; and how faithfully Sadler attended to it, appears from his clandeftine corref pondence with the Lords of the Congregation, as well as from the encouragement which he and Crofts gave to the factious defigns of the houfe of Hamilton, of the Prior of St. Andrews, afterwards Earl of Murray, of Knox, Belnaves, and the other leaders of the reformation in Scotland. The violence of thefe men, particularly of Knox, often thwarted, indeed, the cautious and artful measures of Sadler and Crofts, and required all their diplomatic fkill and addrefs to refrain it within the bounds of prudence; but the reader will perceive, in this volume, by what means, and with what fuccefs thole two accomplished flatefmen excited thofe diffentions among the Scottish venal Nobles, which foon involved their un happy Sovereign in a labyrinth of inextricable difficulties, and rendered Scotland completely and difgracefully dependent on England, until the acceffion of James to the throne of Elizabeth, united the two kingdoms under one legitimate Monarch.

The fecond volume of this valuable collection of flate papers is not to us fo very interefting as the firft. It contains, 1. Memorial concerning the Border Service, 1559-60. 2. Leters during the great Northern Infurrection, 1569-70, under the command of the Earls of IV eftmoreland and Northumberland. 3. Account rendered by Sir Ralph Sadler, Treasurer of the Army, fent under the Command of the Earl of Suffex, to supprefs that Infurrection. 4. Appendix to Sadler's Letters concerning the Northern Infurrection, confifting of a Bill of Attainder of fuch Rebels as were forfeited for the Northern Infurrection;

furrection; together with Letters concerning the Family of Charles Neville, Earl of Westmoreland, and the Eftates of the English Fugitives, under the King of Spain and his Minifters. 5. Letters and Papers relating to Mary, Queen of Scotland, during her imprisonment in England; and 6. Notes of Speeches in Parliament and Council, by Sir Ralph Sadler.

To thefe different collections is added an Appendix, in five numbers. 1. An Drventarie of all and fingular the Goods, Chattels, and Debts of Ralph Sadler, late of Standon Lordship, in the County of Hertford, Efq. deceafed, taken and prized the fifth day of March, in the yeare of our Lord God, one thoufand fix hundred and fixty. 2. Letter from Sir Ralph Sadler, giving an Account of the State of the North of England in 1537. 3. Genealogy of the Defcendants of Sir Ralph Sadler; Clifford, of Tixall; Sadler, of Temple Dinefley, in Hertfordshire; Sadler, of Sopwell, in Ireland; Sadleir, of Everly, County of Wilts. 4. Defcription of the Monument of Sir Ralph Sadler, Verfes on a Vifit to that Monument. 5. Catalogue of fac-fimiles of fignatures.

In thefe different collections of letters we have met with nothing of importance, that is, not either very generally known, or has not been mentioned in Mr. Scott's Biogra phical Memoir of Sadler, of which we have given an abstract in a former number, p. 210. No new light whatever is here thrown on the long agitated queftion of the Queen of Scotland's innocence or guilt. Sadler was too thorough-paced a courtier to hazard any opinion of his own on fuch a queftion, when making his reports to Elizabeth and her Minifters. He feems, indeed, to have entered into all their views with refpect to the unfortunate Mary, and to have prejudged her caufe, even before fhe was formally and judicially accufed by Murray and his affociates. This was the natural confequence of the clandeftine correfpondence which he carried on with that faction immediately before her return from France, and which he doubtlefs continued, though not in a public character, during the whole of her short and turbulent reign. So early as the year 1568, when the had taken refuge in England from the fury of her rebels, and it became a difcuffion of deep intereft in the councils of Elizabeth, whether the ought to re-establish the fugitive Princefs on her throne, or adhere to the faction of her infant fon, Sadler made a speech, in which he says:

"Being refolved that it cannot be good, but rather most daungerous for your Majeftie that she shoulde reigne and governe in Scotland; being fo refolved for myn own part, I must needs

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