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three thousand pounds have been gained by some bulky compilations; it will hardly be contended that literary property can be insecure, or that a successful author is not repaid for his labours. I do not mean to infer that authors can be too well paid: for either they produce little, and therefore cannot enrich themselves; or they produce rapidly, and therefore must often fail of success.

If we enquire into the state of literary

property in Europe, we find that the French complain of the rapid piracies of Holland and Switzerland; and that before a second edition can be prepared at Paris, it is anticipated at the respective presses of those countries. In Spain and Portugal the literary character is not yet sufficiently respected, from the general poverty of their literature, which is still too much restricted to religious and scholastic works. Their new publications are little read at home, and of course no country even borrows them by translation.

I believe literary property is not much more valuable in Germany than in France. The Leipsic and Frankfort fairs, however, form a kind of monopoly of books, which ought to enable book sellers to give a better price to their authors; but are the traders liberal? Have the best German authors ever received sums proportionable to those by which our English writers are daily gratified? My knowledge does not induce me to believe they do; perhaps some of your correspondents may inform us.

An ingenious Italian writer observes, that the French, the English, and the Germans, frequently inquire if Italy has still any of those great geniuses and great writers, who in former ages were the lights and ornaments of Europe? These nations, he adds, would perhaps be astonished thatwe have so many even as we can boast, if they knew that the greater mumber of our authors are obliged to consume a great part of their fortune to print their works; and that the more voluminous are the labours of a writer, the worse is the chance for him to get repaid. The cause of this miserable prospect which literary men have ever before their eyes in Italy, it seems, is owing to the privilege which every city in the numerous states of Italy grants to its own subjects; so that an author who publishes a work at Milan, at Pavia, or at Cremona, has no property in that work, when printed in any other priucipality: hence literary property being rendered inse

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cure, is of little value, either to the bookvenders, or the writers; neither having a real property in a new work. Whether these matters are better regulated of late, in that country, remains to be known. ZENO.

For the Monthly Magazine. DEFENCE of BUCER and the ENGLISH

REFORMATION.

Mastonishment and concern, that the pages of your very respectable Miscellany, should have become the vehicle of a gross, clumsy, and infamous calumny? It matters little whether the subject abused be living or dead. Justice is as much the due of a person in one case, as in the other; and in my humble opinion, there is no difference whatever, morally speaking, between bringing an unfounded charge against a man who is no more, than against one who is capable of defending himself. Nor is it, I think, at all less culpable to attack the fair fame of a person who died two or three centu ries ago, than that of one whose name is still fresh among us, and who has left those behind him who are both able and willing to vindicate his reputation.

AYI be permitted to express my

Without any further preface, Mr. Editor, I demand upon what authority a writer in your last number, without either a real or assumed signature, has peremptorily asserted that "Martin Bucer, the reformer, was born a Jew, and died a Jew?"

When a person presumes to bring a heavy accusation against a man, who in his own day was an object of high respect for his learning and his piety, and whose name stands recorded with reverence for the services which he rendered to the community, of which he was a shining ornament, it is expected that the charge should not only be very accurately stated, but be accompanied with the exactest references, and supported by unexceptionable evidences. When the assertion is anonymous, a scrupulous attention to these particulars is still more requisite. What must be thought then of the moral feelings of a writer, who, disdaining all regard to historical and biographical ac curacy, vents a foul aspersion, without condescending to give us his own name, or a single voucher for what he asserts, on the memory of a divine, whose leaning and moderation alone, entitle him to respect?

It is not incumbent on me to enter into the delineation of Bucer's life and cha

racter;

racter; but that he died a Jew is a manifest falsehood, for the particulars of his pious exit at Cambridge are upon record. Dr. Parker, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, preached his funeral sermon; and Dr. Haddon, the University orator, in a speech at the funeral, drew his character in terms which he would hardly have ventured to use, if such a circumstance had even been whispered or suspected. But how is it that this precious anecdote, which would have been a rich treat to the inquisitive and zealous Romanists, was never brought forward in the season of their triumph, after the accession of Queen Mary? How happened it that when the body of Bucer was taken up and burnt, together with that of his colleague, Fagius, a mean act of revenge worthy of its authors,-how happened it, I say, that the Judaism of Bucer was not then blazoned forth?

If the story of his apostacy had been true, his enemies would not have failed to make the most of it; and that too for the purpose of covering the surviving reformers with confusion and disgrace.

Your correspondent endeavours to represent Bucer as a furious persecutor; and attributes to him principally the burning of two Arians in London, and of Servetus at Geneva. With regard to the former, I challenge your correspondent to produce the least evidence, that Bucer bad any concern in their death; and as to Servetus, every body knows that he was tried and burnt treacherously and tyrannically, two years after the death of Bucer. So much for the extent of this calumniator's reading, and the modesty of his assertions.

Throughout this whole rhapsody, the reformation of the church of England is termed Bucerisin; and it is even said, that "our lawgivers employed Bucer, to accommodate their statutes to No Popery."

The English Liturgy, in fact, after being reformed by the bishops and other divines, was approved of by the privy council, and published with the King's proclamation, March 8, 154: now Bueer and Fagius did not arrive in England till the latter end of that year, or the beginning of 1549; consequently, neither of them could have had any hand in that Liturgy.

It is true that Archbishop Cranmer desired to have Bucer's opinion upon the English Common-Prayer Book, which the other freely gave him at considerable

length; in consequence of which, some regard was had to his animadversions in the revision of the Liturgy. It ought, however, to be observed here, that this learned and moderate divine, in his letter to Cranmer on this subject, says, "that upon his perusal of the service book, he thanked God Almighty for giving the English grace to reform their ceremonies to that degree of purity; and that he found nothing in them, but what was either taken out of the word of God, or at least, not contrary to it, provided it was fairly interpreted." (Collier, E. H. vol. ii. p. 296.) Who after this will have the effrontery to charge the English reformation with Bucerism? What is said of Bucer's being employed about our statutes, I might be excused from answering. It is for the author of this assertion to mention the statutes, and the particulars of the several accommodations made in them to the spirit of persecution; for that, I suppose, is what is intended, under the cant words of "No Popery." When your correspondent shall have produced his testimonies in support of this, and his other paradoxical assumptions, I will examine them with impartiality, though with strictness; and if the truth be on his side, it shall be honestly confessed. Let me in return expect the same openness and candour in him.

I pass from Bucer to other positions, equally curious and new, in this letter. Henry VIII. it is said, put Sir Thomas More and Bishop Fisher to death, that we might have No Popery. To this I beg leave to add, that though these two virtuous men were beheaded for denying the king's supremacy, yet at the same time the protestants were burnt in Smithfield and elsewhere, for denying transubstantiation. Your correspondent says, that "Cardinal Beaton was assassinated in Scotland, under Edward VI." Pray, Sir, was Edward VI. ever king of Scotland? But to pass over this, the Cardinal was murdered in his palace by Lesley. and others, May 29, 1546 now Edward did not come to the English throne till the death of his father, which happened January 28, 1544. So much for this writer's historical knowledge.

An affecting picture is drawn, but briefly, of the sufferings inflicted upon Tonstal, and other English bishope, in the reign of Edward. What persecutions they endured, I am yet to learn. That they were deprived is certain; and that some of them we imprisoned s

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equally so; but that they were persecuted, plundered, and reduced to misery, is false. The cases of Gardiner, and Bonner, will hardly be adduced; and as to that of Tonstal, it might better have been omitted. He was charged in the House of Lords with misprision of treason, at the instance of the great and ambitious Duke of Northumberland, who wanted the county palatine of Durham for his own family. A bill was accordingly brought in for attainting the bishop, and it passed the House of Lords, where not one of the popish lords or bishops spoke or voted in his favour. Cranmer, however, the mild and virtuous Cranmer, whose name is so odiously calumniated, took up the cause, and spoke against this violent measure, with that warmth and freedom, which became an honest man and a good bishop, in support of innocence, but which lost hum the friendship of the Duke of Northumberland ever after. And when the Archbishop's arguments could not prevail against the interest of this Duke, and the bill against Tonstal passed the house, Cramer, seconded only by the Lord Stourton, protested against it; but was not even joined in this by the popish lords and bishops, who had protested against every other act that had passed the House of Lords in this parliament. (Warner's Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. p. 301.)-In the reign of Elizabeth, Tonstal, it is true, was deprived of his bishopric, for refusing the oaths; but in all other respects his treatment was gentle. He resided at Lambeth, with Archbishop Parker; and when he died, his obsequies were celebrated with the respect due to his rank and virtues.

I observe, Mr. Editor, that your correspondent is willing to excuse, if not to applaud the conduct of Mary, in having the "spirit and the power to retaliate upon the reformers." Yes, she retaliated, if we may allow him that word, with a -vengeance. If the popish bishops were deprived, the protestant ones were burn'. If More and Fisher were beheaded, muinbers of the laity, men, women, and children, were first tortured, and then consigned to the stake. But will this ingenious declaimer condescend to point out any acts in the reign of Edward, done by the reformers, that could at all justify the sanguinary proceedings of Mary, and her ecclesiastical advisers, upon the ground of retaliation? Were any romanists put to death in that reign, on account of their religion? The two arian cases, al

ready mentioned, though they are not to be palliated, will hardly be adduced; because had those unhappy persons vented their notions under Mary, bishops Gardiner and Bonner, and even the gentle Cardinal Pole himself, would readily have delivered them over to the secular

arm.

In language as ridiculous as the whole paragraph is false and malicious, Queen Elizabeth is said, "not to have been bloody, because she preferred stifling and strangling, to behea ling and burning." It is then added, to shew off her merciful disposition in the most striking manner, that "she stopped the breath of one hundred and seventy-five catholic priests, and five catholic women, whose crime was no other than teaching their hereditary religion in England." Really, this gentleman writes as if he had never read the history of England, or as it he thought people in general were but superficially acquainted with it. During the first eleven years of Queen Elizabeth's reign, not a single Roman catholic was prosecuted capitally on account of Lis religion: and it was not till after the open rebellion of the Earls of Northum berland and Westmoreland, for restoring, as they termed it, the religion of their ancestors, that any rigorous measures were adopted towards the members of that communion. It was, however, the bull of Pope Pius V.,-by which the Queen was formally excommunicated, and Ironounced to be deprived of her pretended right to the kingdom; and all her subjects, of every description, were absolved from their oath of allegiance to her; it was, I say, this atrocious and abominable act of usurpation, joined with the most active and powerful efforts to carry it into effect, that provoked Elizabeth and the parliament to prosecute the Romish missionaries, with a severity which otherwise would not have been exercised, nor could possibly be justified. But when the Pope, who pos sessed at that time a much more formi dable power and influence than we at present are apt to conceive, took upon him to 6. cut off heretical princes from the unity of the body of Christ, and to declare their thrones vacant," it was a matter of necessity, arising from the principle of self-defence, to guard the life of the sovereign, and the indepen dence of the kingdom, from the nefarious attempts which such a bull was intended to produce. And that it did actually produce various plots and conspiracies,

all

all historians confirm on the clearest and most abundant evidence; nor indeed have I ever yet met with any Roman catholic writer of credit, who pretended to deny the fact. Even that lying rebel, Sanders, (an author, it should seem, not unknown to your correspondent) does not venture to deny these rebellions and conspiracies: on the contrary, he glories in them; canonizes those who suffered the just punishment of their crimes; and holds them up as objects of reverence and imitation, as martyrs.*

lead; that I do not think it worth my while to trouble you, Mr. Editor, or your readers, any further on the subject.

Colleges were instituted at Rome, Doway, and St. Omer's, for the express and avowed purpose of training up young men, natives of Se of mal and Preland, who were to act as missionaries in their own country, under the direction of their superiors! Philip, king of Spain, founded two others; one at Valladolid, and the other at Seville; and they all inculcated upon the students educated therein, the duty of sacrificing even their lives, in the good work of destroying the enemy of the holy see, and extirpating heresy in their native land. These formidable engines, for such they unquestionably were in that unsettled period, naturally excited considerable alarm in the English government; by whom, with the consent of parliament, it was made a capital offence for these seminary-priests, as they were called, to enter the kingdom. Yet numbers of them did venture over, and a few, comparatively speaking, were executed. Let it be observed, how ever, that those who did suffer, were not put to death for their religion; unless it be granted, that with them, religion and treason were one and the same thing. At the time when these missionaries of the Pope were thus treated, the secular priests remained in quietness, and were unmolested; for which, they became very obnoxious to the court of Rome, and to the heads of the English colleges abroad. From the controversial pamphlets which passed between the seculars and the jesuits, in this and the succeeding reign, any unbiassed person may be able to judge, whether it is hypocrisy to say that the papal missionaries, who were executed between the years 1570 and 1602, suffered for treason." All that follows in your correspondent's letter is so wild and intemperate; "and at the same time evinces either such gross ignorance, or such a wilful design to mis

De Schiamate Auglicano, lib. iii. p. 417, et pasom.

JOHN WATKINS.

JOURNAL of a VOYAGE performed in the
INDIAN SEAS, to MADRAS, BENGAL,

CHINA, &c., &c., in HIS MAJESTY'S
SHIP CAROLINE, in theYEARS 1803-4-5,
interfperfed with fhort DESCRIPTIVE
SKETCHES of the PRESENT STATE of the
principal SETTLEMENTS of the INDIA

COMPANY.

Communicated to the MONTHLY MAGAZINE by an OFFICER of that SHIP.

HE number of junks, and boats of Tall descriptions, that are seen pass ing and repassing between Macao and Canton, exceeds all calculation or belief. Some of these junks will carry nearly a thousand tous; and those that trade to the Straits of Malacca, the Eastern Islands, &c. are very great curiosities, containing perhaps two or three hundred merchants, each having his separate cabin, or rather shop or warehouse. In one of these junks, therefore, may be seen almost an epitome of the suburbs of Canton: ivory-cutters and manufacturers, painters, carpenters, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, &c. all with their various articles arranged for sale in their separate apartments.

The Chinese work their junks and other boats with astonishing adroitness on this river, where they actually seem to fly through the water. The sails are all made of mats, and are narrow, but very lofty. Slit pieces of bamboo cross the sails horizontally, at short distances; and to one end of these is attached a bow-line, leading forward; to the other, a sheet leading aft; by which means their sails stand better, and lie nearer the wind, than any European sails possibly cau.

When it blows fresh, and they have occasion to reef, they lower away the halliards, and roll up any length of the sail they please round the lower piece of bamboo; thus reefing their sails at the bottom with much less difficulty than we can at the top; and this they can continue to do, till the whole of the sail is rolled up, adapting it from the lightest breeze to the heaviest squall with the greatest facility.

They frequently have two or three mafts, but we never saw any with topmasts; the mat-sails extending up along the masts (which are generally very tant) to any height.

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Their fishing fleets are extremely well regulated, acting in perfect concert; and no boat presuming to anchor or weigh Butil the commodore has made the sigual by Goug, or beat of Tom Toin.

The mouth of the Tigris, pay, the whole coaft from thence to the island of Hain an, is very much infested with pirates, called Ladrones. These are outlawed Tartars and Chinese, who as soou as they lay hold of any boat or vessel, not only plunder it, but condemn the crew to perpetual slavery in the Ladrone fleet. They Sometimes, however, relax so far in this respect, as to let old men go ashore on promising to send them a certain ransom, which the liberated persons seldom fail to perform with the most religious exactness: fearing, it is presumed, that if they did not, and were afterwards captured, they might stand a fair chance of losing their heads; the Ladrones not being very ceremonious in this respect.

The small craft on the river, therefore, are so terrified at the idea of falling into the hands of the Ladrones, that when any of our boats were proceeding to, or returning from Macao, a whole convoy of Chinese vessels of various descriptions were seen attending them, and taking advantage of the protection they afforded: such is the confidence placed in British tars, even in this remote part of the world!

To this I was once an eye-witness; the Ladrones having become so boid, that they actually landed at Lintin shortly after we left it, and plundered some of the villages. The men of war junks even, and mandarius' boats, at this time were so frightened, that when a pleasure party of us went in the Caroline's launch, from Anson's bay to Macao, we had a convoy of some hundreds of vessels, that came to an anchor when we did, and got under weigh whenever they saw us do so.

The Chinese maritime fights are rather curious, being somewhat different from those of Europeans; for their men of war have no guns, or at least very few. Instead of these they have long

slender bamboos, armed at one end with pieces of iron like our boarding-pikes, and some like battle-axes; their other weapons, offensive and defensive, consist in general of baskets of stones, of different sizes, adapted to the distances at which the engagements happen to commence!

I had an opportunity of seeing one of those battles once between two fishing boats, and I must confess they made use of those missile weapons with uncommon dexterity; very seldom missing their adversary's vessel at least, and not unfre quently giving and receiving most woeful knocks themselves. We were told that the men-of-war-junks sometimes carried matchlocks, but we could never see any of them.

On the twenty-eighth of November I embarked in company with several other officers on an excursion to Canton. The weather was now so cold, that we were obliged to muffle ourselves up in all the European clothes we could possibly muster; and here many of us became sensi ble of our improvidence in neglecting to preserve, while in India, those articles of dress which we had brought from a nor thern climate, but which, while frying under the Line, we thought we should never need again. As the distance was nearly fifty miles, we did not neg lect to lay in a sufficient quantity of grub (as it is termed); in order that the interior might be as well fortified against the severity of the season, as the exterior: and this we found a very wise precaution.

After passing through the Bogue, Tiger island (so called from some faint resemblance which it is supposed to bear to a couched tiger,) presents itself on the left hand. It was abreast of this place that commodore Anson first came to an anchor after entering the Tigris, to the no small surprize of the Chinese at Annanhoy fort, where they mustered a motley band in hopes of intimidating hum from passing the Bocca Tigris. On the right hand the land is flat and swampy, consisting chiefly of paddy fields, inter sected by innumerable branches of the river. We here saw amazing flocks of wild duck, teal, and paddy birds, flying otten so close to us that we might almost have kuoclad them down with our sticks, und so as to induce one to suppose they were never molested by the fatal tube or ins dious suare.

By the former, indeed, they are never annoyed, unless when Europeus, are

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