and of great delicacy to pass from the artificial condition in which the country has long been placed, in reference to its industry, by a mistaken and mischievous system of policy. Sudden transitions, even to better habits or better conditions, are hazardous, unless slowly effected. With this impression, I have ever been averse to all sudden steps, both as to the currency and the system of policy which is now the subject of our deliberation, bad as I believe them both to be; and deep as my conviction is in favor of a sound currency and low duties, I am by no means disposed to reach, by a sudden transition, the points to which I firmly believe they may be reduced, consistently with the necessary wants of the Government, by a proper management of our finances.

But, as pernicious as the prohibitory or protective system may be on the industrial pursuits of the country, it is still more so on its politics and morals. That they have greatly degenerated within the last fifteen or twenty years; that there is less patriotism and purity, and more faction, selfishness, and corruption; that our public affairs are conducted with less dignity, decorum, and regard to economy, accountability, and public faith; and, finally, that the taint has extended to private as well as public morals; is, unhappily, but too manifest to be denied. If all this be traced back, the ultimate cause of this deplorable change will be found to originate mainly in the fact, that the duties (or, to speak more plainly, the taxes on the imports), from which now the whole revenue is derived, are so laid, that the most powerful portion of the community-not in numbers, but influenceare not only exempt from burden, but, in fact, according to their own conception, receive bounties from their operation. They crowd our tables with petitions, imploring Congress to impose taxes-high taxes; and rejoice at their imposition as the greatest blessing, and deplore their defeat as the greatest calamity; while other portions regard them in the opposite light, as oppressive and grievous burdens. Now, Senators, I

appeal to you to the candor and good sense even of the friends of this bill-whether these facts do not furnish proof conclusive, that these high protective duties are regarded as bounties, and not taxes, by these petitioners, and those who support their course, and urge the passage of the bill? Can stronger proof be offered? Bounties may be implored, but it is not in human nature to pray for taxes, burden, and oppression, believing them to be such. I again appeal to you, and ask if the power of taxation can be perverted into an instrument in the hands of Government to enrich and aggrandize one portion of the community at the expense of the other, without causing all of the disastrous consequences, political and moral, which we all deplore? Can any thing be imagined more destructive of patriotism, and more productive of faction, selfishness, and violence; or more hostile to all economy and accountability in the administration of the fiscal department of the Government? Can those who regard taxes as a fruitful source of gain, or as the means of averting ruin, regard extravagance, waste, neglect, or any other means by which the expenditures may be increased, and the tax on imports raised, with the deep condemnation which their corrupting consequences on the politics and morals of the community demand? Let the history of the Government, since the introduction of the system, and its present wretched condition, respond.

But it would be doing injustice to charge the evils which have flowed from the system, and the greater which still threaten, exclusively on the manufacturing interest. Although it ostensibly originates with it, yet in fact it is the least efficient, and the most divided, of all that combination. of interests from which the system draws its support. Among them, the first and most powerful is that active, vigilant, and well-trained corps, which lives on Government, or expects to live on it; which prospers most when the revenue is the greatest, the treasury the fullest, and the expen

ditures the most profuse; and, of course, is ever the firm and faithful supporter of whatever system shall extract most from the pockets of the rest of the community, to be emptied into theirs. The next in order-when the Government is connected with the banks-when it receives their notes in its dues, and pays them away as cash, and uses them as its depositories and fiscal agents-are the banking and other associated interests, stockjobbers, brokers, and speculators; and which, like the other, profit the more in consequence of the connection, the higher the revenue, the greater its surplus and the expenditures of the Government. It is less numerous, but still more active and powerful, in proportion, than the other. These form the basis; and on these, political aspirants, who hope to rise to power and control through it, rear their party organization. It is they who infuse into it the vital principle, and give life and energy and direction to the whole. This formidable combination, thus vivified and directed, rose to power in the late great political struggle, and is now in the ascendant; and it is to its death-like efforts to maintain and consolidate its power, that this and the late session owe their extraordinary proceedings. Its hope now is centred in this bill. In their estimation, without a protective tariff, all is lost; and, with it, that which is now lost, may be regained.

I have now, Senators, said what I intended. It may be asked, why have I spoken at all? It is not from the expectation of changing a single vote on the opposite side. That is hopeless. The indications, during this discussion, show, beyond doubt, a foregone determination on the part of its advocates to vote for the bill, without the slightest amendment, be its defects or errors ever so great. They have shut their eyes and closed their ears. The voice of an angel from heaven could not reach their understandings. Why, then, have I raised mine? Because my hope is in truth. Crushed to earth, it will rise again." It is rising; and I

have added my voice to hasten its resurrection. Great already is the change of opinion on this subject since 1828. Then the plantation States, as they were called, stood alone against this false and oppressive system. We had scarcely an ally beyond their limits; and we had to throw off the crushing burden it imposed, as we best could, within the limits of the constitution. Very different is the case now. On whatever side the eye is turned, firm and faithful allies are to be seen. The great popular party is already rallied almost en masse around the banner which is leading the party to its final triumph. The few that still lag, will soon be rallied under its ample folds. On that banner is inscribed: FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT, AND STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION. Victory in such a case will be great and glorious; and if its principles be faithfully and firmly adhered to, after it is achieved, much will it redound to the honor of those by whom it will have been won; and long will it perpetuate the liberty and prosperity of the country.

SPEECH

On the Tariff Bill, delivered in the Senate, August 27th, 1842.

[THE Bill which formed the subject of the preceding speech, having been vetoed by the President, another was introduced in its stead, which, on its passage, drew from Mr. Calhoun the following remarks:-]

MR. CALHOUN said; he felt it due to himself, and those he represented, that he should give his opinion on this bill,

and the reasons that were alleged for its passage.

The hour was late, and the time short, and he should be as brief as possible.

He would begin with premising that it was apparent a large portion of the party in power were much embarrassed in determining how they should vote on this bill. But, if he might be permitted to decide, he would say that, if they had some cause for mortification (as they certainly had), they had still greater for exultation. If one of their favorite measures was lost by its passage, another and still greater and more important favorite would become a law, if appearances did not deceive. For his part, he regarded this (now, as he feared, on the eve of passage) as a measure more thoroughly for protection, and less for revenue, than any which had ever been submitted for the consideration of the Senate. It is the same, without material alteration, excepting the omission of the duty on tea and coffee, which recently passed this body, and fell under the veto of the Executive. That, he had already shown, was, all things considered, the most onerous ever introduced into the Senate. What he now proposed was, to show that the burden of this was more for protection, and less for revenue, than any preceding measure, not excepting the one vetoed.

An examination of this bill will show that there is not an article manufactured in the country, nor one which might come into competition with one that is, which is not subject to high protective duties. In the latter description may be placed linen, silks, worsted-which though not articles manufactured in the country, are subject to as high duties as those that are, in order to give the home manufactures of cotton and woollens the exclusive monopoly, if possible, of the market. To this may be added, that there is not a raw material scarcely, on which manufactures operate, or any material which is necessary to the process of manufacturing, which is not admitted duty free, or subject