It is painful for me, Sir, to come out on these occasions; I desire rather never to speak of myself; but I pardon the gentleman, for he has given me an opportunity to set myself right on certain points, in relation to which I wish to stand right, and may take another opportunity to make myself more fully understood. As to the war, I have deplored it. I have deplored it for its consequences. I have deplored it for the manner of bringing it on. As to my views in reference to the war, I have kept silent; assailed here and throughout the country, my friends urged me to come out and explain at the last session. I intended to remain silent until I saw a suitable opportunity for explanation. And here let me say,—what just now comes to my mind. It may be asked, thinking as I do as to the causes of the war, why I did not take some steps to arrest the march of General Taylor? In the first place, I never heard that the march was ordered until a long time after the order was given. The Senator from Delaware (Mr. J. M. Clayton) gave me the first intimation that the order had been issued. I replied that it was impossible, and could not believe it until the fact was certainly ascertained. After General Taylor had actually commenced his march, I said to several of my friends, he ought to be stopped, it will bring on war. I said also, if my memory serves me, the same thing to the Senator from Delaware, from whom I first derived my information.

[The Senator assented.]

I said to him and others that the Oregon and Mexican questions were intimately connected; that a war with England, in reference to Oregon, would certainly involve in its consequences a war with Mexico; and that a war with Mexico might also involve a war about Oregon, or at all events prevent the settlement of our difficulties with England in reference to it. That, thus viewing it, General Taylor, in my opinion, ought to be stopped; and that I

would lay a resolution on the table calling for the order under which he marched, and would follow it up by a resolution to arrest his march, were I not prevented by the position which I occupied. Of the two, I considered it more important to avoid a war with England about Oregon than a war with Mexico, important as I thought it was to avoid that. That it was important I should maintain the kindest and most friendly relations with the President, in order that I should have some weight in bringing the Oregon question to an amicable settlement; and that, if I were to move in reference to the order given to General Taylor, it would, I feared, place me in hostile relations to the Executive, and destroy any weight I might have with it on the Oregon question. This, with the hope that the Oregon question might be settled before an actual conflict between the forces under General Taylor and those under Arista, prevented me from acting. Otherwise, I would certainly have made a move to arrest the march-and thereby to arrest the war. I have much more to say in reference to the cause of the war, which I must postpone until some suitable occasion. I could state some facts in relation to Oregon, but I am not at liberty, and therefore forbear. I thank the Senate for the kindness with which it has now heard me.

REMARKS

On presenting his Resolutions on the Slave Question, made in the Senate, February 19th, 1847.

MR. CALHOUN rose and said: Mr. President, I rise to offer a set of resolutions in reference to the various resolutions from the State legislatures upon the subject of, what they call, the extension of slavery, and the proviso attached to the

House bill, called the Three Million Bill. What I propose before I send my resolutions to the table, is to make a few explanatory remarks.

Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. One was,-that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which permitted, by their constitutions, the existence of slavery; and the other was,that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the territories of the United States; the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain, to the entire exclusion of the slaveholding States. Since that declaration was made, we have had abundant proof that there was a satisfactory foundation for it. We have received already solemn resolutions passed by seven of the non-slaveholding States-one-half of the number already in the Union, Iowa not being counted-using the strongest possible language to that effect; and no doubt, in a short space of time, similar resolutions will be received from all of the non-slaveholding States. But we need not go beyond the walls of Congress. The subject has been agitated in the other House, and they have sent up a bill "prohibiting the extension of slavery" (using their own language) "to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter." At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected by a decided majority.

Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the times; and it is high time that the Southern States-the slaveholding States, should inquire what is now their relative strength in this Union, and what it will be if this determination should be carried into effect hereafter. Already we are in a minorityI use the word "we" for brevity's sake-already we are in a

minority in the other House,-in the electoral college,—and I may say, in every department of this Government, except, at present, in the Senate of the United States-there for the present we have an equality. Of the twenty-eight States, fourteen are non-slaveholding and fourteen are slaveholding, -counting Delaware, which is doubtful,-as one of the nonslaveholding States. But this equality of strength exists only in the Senate. One of the clerks, at my request, has furnished me with a statement of what is the relative strength of the two descriptions of States, in the other House of Congress and in the electoral college. There are 228 representatives, including Iowa, which is already represented there. Of these, 138 are from non-slaveholding States, and 90 are from what are called the slave States-giving a majority, in the aggregate, to the former of 48. In the electoral college there are 168 votes belonging to the non-slaveholding States, and 118 to the slaveholding, giving a majority of 50 to the non-slaveholding.

We, Mr. President, have at present only one position in the Government, by which we may make any resistance to this aggressive policy which has been declared against the South; or any other that the non-slaveholding States may choose to adopt. And this equality in this body is one of the most transient character. Already Iowa is a State; but owing to some domestic difficulties, is not yet represented in this body. When she appears here, there will be an addition of two Senators to the representatives here of the non-slaveholding States. Already Wisconsin has passed the initiatory stage, and will be here the next session. This will add two more, making a clear majority of four in this body on the side of the non-slaveholding States, who will thus be enabled to sway every branch of this Government at their will and pleasure. But, if this aggressive policy be followed —if the determination of the non-slaveholding States is to be adhered to hereafter, and we are to be entirely excluded

from the territories which we already possess, or may possess -if this is to be the fixed policy of the Government, I ask what will be our situation hereafter?

Sir, there is ample space for twelve or fifteen of the largest description of States in the territories belonging to the United States. Already a law is in course of passage through the other House creating one north of Wisconsin. There is ample room for another north of Iowa; and another north of that; and then that large region extending, on this side of the Rocky Mountains, from 49 degrees down to the Texan line, which may be set down fairly as an area of twelve and a half degrees of latitude. That extended region of itself is susceptible of having six, seven, or eight large States. To this, add Oregon which extends from 49 to 42 degrees, which will give four more, and I make a very moderate calculation when I say that, in addition to Iowa and Wisconsin, twelve more States upon the territory already ours-without reference to any acquisitions from Mexico-may be, and will be, shortly added to these United States. How will we then stand? There will be but fourteen on the part of the South-we are to be fixed, limited, and for ever-and twenty-eight on the part of the non-slaveholding States ! Double our number! And with the same disproportion in the House and in the electoral college! The Government, Sir, will be entirely in the hands of the non-slaveholding States-overwhelmingly.

Sir, if this state of things is to go on-if this determination, so solemnly made, is to be persisted in, where shall we stand, as far as this Federal Government of ours is concerned? We shall be at the entire mercy of the non-slaveholding States. Can we look to their justice and regard for our interests? I ask, can we rely on that? Ought we to trust our safety and prosperity to their mercy and sense of justice? These are the solemn questions which I put to all—this and the other side of the Chamber.