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and to harmonize with them the claims of the manufacturer, is a problem which statesmen find great difficulty in solving. It cannot be denied that prejudices, deep and strong, do exist between the inhabitants of different sections, growing out of antagonist pursuits, and difference in modes of life; and that these unfortunate prejudices have, in too many instances, interrupted the interchange of kind feelings and mutual confidence. Men of narrow and illiberal views have not been wanting to nourish and strengthen these local antipathies. The sentiments, the manners and customs of society, have been so exaggerated and distorted on the one side and on the other, as to call into exercise feelings of reciprocal hostility. The more amiable traits of character, the more generous and noble qualities of the heart, are thrown into the back-ground, and all that is unlovely and repulsive occupies the most prominent place upon the canvass.

Such sectional feuds and antipathies are most seriously to be deprecated; they relax the bonds which are designed to unite us in one common brotherhood, and they are wholly incompatible with that unity and harmony, which ever ought to prevail among the members of this great political family.

In the same community, too, men will differ in their social habits, in their political opinions, in their religious views, and on a variety of other subjects, and they will claim the right freely to express their opinions. Is not this the most conclusive evidence of their freedom ? Tyrants may compel men to adopt the same habits, to pursue the same course of life, and to express the same thoughts, but where men

are truly free, they will differ in opinions and in actions; our rulers and our people should not be men of one idea. The particular community in which they reside ought not so to fill their vision, that they cannot survey the whole country, and fairly estimate the claims of other sections besides their own. The sentiments they entertain should not be so nearly allied to bigotry as to exclude from the pale of their sympathies and confidence those who may have embraced opposite opinions. Because a politician advocates a national bank, it does not follow that he has lost his reason or his conscience; and if another is honestly opposed to a protective tariff, it is not quite certain that he is an enemy to his country. My neighbor has as perfect a right to his opinions, as I have to mine; he may be as honest, as well-intentioned in the adoption and defence of his views, as I am in the belief and support of mine. I will convince him of his error, if I can, by fair and honorable argument, or if the promulgation of his sentiments are injurious to the best interests of society, I may invoke the aid of the law, but it will not be admitted into the creed of any true and enlightened republican, that a man may persecute his neighbor for opinion's sake. This is a lesson which ought to be indelibly engraven upon the heart of every child. Such liberality of feeling is by no means inconsistent with a fair and earnest maintenance of our individual sentiments, rights, and local interests. It is only the practical expression of that elevated principle contained in the golden rule of reciprocity.

The foreign element, which is becoming so promi

nent in our social and civil state, demands the same forbearance and expansiveness of view, on the part of our public men and of the rising generation. The multitude of emigrants from the old world, interfused among our population, is rapidly changing the identity of American character. These strangers come among us, ignorant of our institutions, and unacquainted with the modes of thought and habits of life peculiar to a free people. Accustomed to be restrained by the strong arm of power, and to look upon themselves as belonging to an inferior class of the human race, they suddenly emerge from the darkness of oppression into the light and liberty of freemen. The transition is instantaneous, and admits of no preparation for the new life. Will not this sudden change in their political relations produce a corresponding change in their views respecting personal rights and duties?

Would it be strange if in such circumstances, many should mistake la wless freedom from restraint, for true and rational liberty ? Shall these adopted citizens become a part of the body politic, and firm supporters of liberal institutions, or will they prove to our republic what the Goths and Huns were to the Roman Empire? The answer to this question depends in a great degree upon the wisdom and fidelity of our teachers and associated influences. They have a two-fold duty to perform in regard to this class of our population. On the one hand they must act the part of master-builders, and by degrees mould these unprepared and uncongenial elements into the form and character which the peculiar nature of the edifice demands, and in due time the youth especially may become intelligent, enterprising and liberal-minded supporters of free institutions. On the other hand, our instructors must prepare our native population for the suitable reception and treatment of these strangers, must teach them to lay aside prejudices and animosities, to meet the new.. comers in the spirit of kindness and benevolence, and to enlist their sympathies and good-will on the side of liberty, humanity and truth. If our country is to remain, as it has been, the asylum of the oppressed, and the home of the free, a wise and liberal policy must be pursued towards foreigners; resolute and persevering exertions must be made to engraft them upon the republican stock, and to qualify them for the duties of free and enlightened citizens.

Leaving for a moment all domestic and limited considerations, let us look upon our country in its relation to the world and to the future. We behold a vast empire suddenly called into existence, and like the fabled Hercules, making its power felt even in infancy. Already has it acquired a name and a place among the more powerful nations of the earth. Already have its principles, its successful career, and its example, modified the views of kings and statesmen on the subject of government and of human rights. What has convulsed the nations of Europe, shaken thrones to their centre, torn crowns from the head of royalty, and driven kings into exile? May not these astounding results be attributed, in part at least, to the influence of the great political truth, so happily illustrated and enforced in the practical work

ing of our social system thus far, that man is capable of self-government ?

What is to be the destiny of this colossal republic? Note its humble beginnings, then trace its rapid progress.

First a little band of houseless exiles on a sterile beach, in a wintry storm; soon a group of small republics; then a tide of emigration rolls from the Atlantic up the steep sides to the lofty peaks of the Alleghanies, and projects itself into the immense valley beyond. That vast country, large enough for kingdoms and empires, is peopled, as if smitten by the wand of a magician. The tide rolls onward to the base of the Rocky Mountains, overleaps that mighty barrier, and is now spreading itself along the shores of the Pacific. When that immense territory, bounded by the great oceans, the lakes and the gulf, shall have been peopled by industrious and intelligent freemen, rejoicing under the protection of equitable laws and a wise administration, when the number of our population shall amount to one hundred millions, as it may, during the life-time of children now living, -where, in the history of the world, ancient or modern, can be found a nation of equal grandeur, and of equal moral power. The influence of such a nation will be felt in every tribe and kingdom on the globe. It will affect, for good or ill, myriads of human beings, down to the time of the world's final catastrophe.

If such, then, are the peculiarities of our institutions, such our circumstances as a people, and such the destiny that seems to await us, where, on this vast theatre of life, where shall we find an appropri