Washington's Farewell Address.

lar form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual: and sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern: some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the peo ple, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in a way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked. where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investiga tion in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experi There is an opinion that parties in free coun-ence both forbid us to expect that national moralitries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country, should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the

ty can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and se curity, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace; but remembering, also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon poste rity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs your Representatives; but it is necessary that pub lic opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be re

Washington's Farewell Address.

venue; that to have revenue, there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the Government in making it, and for the spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

tiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, my fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes essential than that permanent inveterate antipa- the instrument of the very influence to be avoidthies against particular nations, and passionate at-ed, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to of fer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial where accidental or trifling occasions of dispute relations, to have with them as little political conoccur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, en-nexion as possible. So far as we have already venomed, and bloody contests. The nation, formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes perfect good faith. Here let us stop. impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations, has been the victim. So. likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads, also, to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerant nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situ

Washington's Farewell Address.

ation? Why quit our own to stand upon for eign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe. entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure bas continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than After deliberate examination, with the aid of to private affairs, that honesty is always the best the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage- that our country, under all the circumstances of ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, the case, had a right to take, and was bound in in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be duty and interest to take a neutral position. unwise to extend them. Taking care to keep our-Having taken it, I determined, as far as should selves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, defensive posture, we may safely trust to tempo- perseverance, and firmness. rary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. The considerations which respect the right to Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this oecanations, are recommended by policy, humanity.sion to detail. I will only observe that, according and interest. But even our commercial policy to my understanding of the matter, that right, so should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither far from being denied by any of the belligerant seeking nor granting exclusive favors or prefer- Powers, has been virtually admitted by all. ences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with Powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and araity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansion of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free Government-the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

G. WASHINGTON. UNITED STATES, Sept. 17, 1796.

PUBLIC ACTS OF CONGRESS;

PASSED AT THE FIRST SESSION OF THE FOURTH CONGRESS, BEGUN AND HELD AT PHILADELPHIA, ON THE SEVENTH OF DECEMBER, 1795.

AN ACT making appropriations for the support of Government, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That, for defraying the expenditure of the civil list of the United States, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, together with the incidental and contingent expenses of the several departments and offices thereof, there be appropriated a sum of money, not exceeding five hundred and thirty thousand three hundred and ninety-two dollars, and eighty-five cents; that is to say:

For the compensations granted by law to the President and Vice President of the United States, thirty thousand dollars.

For expense of stationery, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the Comptroller's office, eight hundred dollars.

For compensation to the Treasurer, clerks, and persons employed in his office, four thousand, four hundred dollars.

For expense of firewood, stationery, printing, rent, and other contingencies in the Treasurer's office, six hundred dollars.

For compensation to the Auditor of the Treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, eleven thousand, two hundred and fifty dollars.

For expense of stationery, printing, and other contingent expenses in the Auditor's office, six hundred dollars.

For compensation to the Commissioner of the Revenue, clerks, and persons employed in his office, five thousand, two hundred and fifty dollars.

For expense of stationery, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the office of the Commissioner, four hundred dollars.

For the like compensations to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, their officers and attendants, estimated for a session of six months continuance, one hundred and ninetythree thousand, four hundred and sixty dollars. For compensation to the Register of the TreaFor the expenses of firewood, stationery, print-sury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, ing-work, and all other contingent expenses of the fourteen thousand, seven hundred dollars. two Houses of Congress, eleven thousand five hundred dollars.

For the compensations granted by law to the Chief Justice, Associate Judges, District Judges, and Attorney General, forty-three thousand six hundred dollars.

For expense of stationery, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the Register's office, (including books for the public stocks,) two thousand, eight hundred dollars.

For compensation to the Purveyor of Public For defraying the expense of clerks of courts, Supplies, including his salary from the time of his jurors, and witnesses, in aid of the fund arising appointment to the thirty-first day of December, from fines, forfeitures, and penalties; and likewise one thousand, seven hundred and ninety-five, for defraying the expenses of prosecutions for of-three thousand, six hundred and ninety-four dolfences against the United States, and for safe keep-lars, and forty-four cents.

ing of prisoners, twenty thousand dollars.

For the payment of rent for the several houses For making good deficiencies in the last men- employed in the Treasury Department, (except tioned fund, in the appropriation of the year one the Treasurer's office,) one thousand, nine hunthousand seven hundred and ninety-five, ten thou-dred and eighty-six dollars, and sixty-eight cents. sand dollars.

For expense of firewood and candles in the several offices of the Treasury Department, (except the Treasurer's office,) three thousand dollars.

For compensation to the Secretary of State, clerks, and persons employed in that department, seven thousand, eight hundred and fifty dollars. For defraying the expense incident to the statFor incidental and contingent expenses in the ing and printing the public accounts, for the year said department, twenty-three thousand, three hun-one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, one dred and eighty dollars. thousand dollars.

For compensation to the Secretary of the Treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, eight thousand, one hundred and fifty dollars.

For expenses of stationery, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, five hundred dollars.

For compensation to the Comptroller of the Treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, ten thousand, nine hundred dollars.

For the payment of certain incidental and contingent expenses of the Treasury Department in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninetyfive, beyond the sum which was appropriated, two thousand five hundred dollars.

For compensation to the several loan officers, thirteen thousand two hundred and fifty dollars. For payment of clerks allowed to several of the loan offices, for the year one thousand seven hun

Acts of Congress.

For compensations to the Governors, SecretaFor the discharge of such miscellaneous deries, and Judges of the Territory northwest, and mands against the United States, other than those the Territory south of the river Ohio, ten thou-on account of the Civil Department, not othersand three hundred dollars.