Pan-Americanism: Its BeginningsMacmillan, 1920 - 503 sidor |
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Adams adopted affairs agent Alamán allies Amer American State Papers Argentine assembly authority Barros Arana Bogotá Bolivar Bolivia Brazil Briceño Méndez Britain Buenos Aires Central America Chile Chilean Clay Colombia colonies confederation Congress of Panama constitution continued coöperation Cuba Dawkins declared delegates desired diplomatic Documentos empire England establishment Europe European expedition favor federation Ferdinand Florida force Foreign State Papers France Gaceta Gual Haiti Hemisphere Historia de México Histórico Holy Alliance Ibid independence instructions interests International American Conference island Iturbide José later Liberator Lima Memoirs Memorias ment Mexican Mexico minister monarchy Monroe Doctrine nations negotiations neutrality O'Leary opinion Pan-Americanism Patriots peace Peru Plata plenipotentiaries Poinsett political principles proposed reference relations representatives republic republican respect Revenga Royalists San Martín Santander sent South America Spain Spanish America territory tion treaty union United Provinces Upper Peru Venezuela Villanueva vols Washington wrote XXIV
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Sida 218 - The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do.
Sida 218 - In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers...
Sida 138 - Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.
Sida 8 - We deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every American Republic.
Sida 23 - To-day the United States is practically Sovereign on this continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition. "Why ? It is not because of the pure friendship or good- will felt for it. It is not simply by reason of its high character as a civilized State, nor because wisdom and justice and equity are the invariable characteristics of the dealings of the United States.
Sida 395 - They have not the first elements of good or free government. Arbitrary power, military and ecclesiastical, was stamped upon their education, upon their habits, and upon all their institutions.
Sida 31 - It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form, with indifference.
Sida 8 - We wish for no victories but those of peace, for no territory except our own, for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves.
Sida 264 - The day that France takes possession of New Orleans, fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within her low-water mark. It seals the union of two nations, who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation.
Sida 219 - Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries...