question is, shall slavery be extended by a people who were the first to proclaim the principles of human liberty.

3. The third cause of the Buffalo Movement is found in the opposition of most of the Free Soilers to war in the abstract. Immediately after a few victories were gained in Mexico, the best minds in the nation took the alarm in view of the manufacture of military heroes for the presidency-knowing that every thing pertaining to war was a moral turpitude most injurious to the character of the people. It was known that the mass could yet be seduced by the display of the warrior, and consequently one of the parties planting itself upon "availability" would nominate a Mexican hero for the Chief Magistracy. The friends of man knew that to trumpet through the nation the victories of the hero, gained amid all imaginable bloodshed and suffering-yea, even to associate the minds of the people with these terrible things, by fixing them upon a man who represents only in his person the dire cruelties of war, would turn back the Nation more than a quarter of a century in a moral point of view. It is no wonder then, that they took the alarm and began to warn the people against any further recognition of war by elevating its blood-stained heroes. And after the act of suicide was committed, is it surprising that these men are found true to their convictions, and looking around for a candidate for whom they could conscientiously vote? The Peace men of the country therefore wheeled into the ranks of the opposition, and united with the Anti-Slavery men and the Anti-Party corruption men in commencing what is called the Free Soil Movement. Now, little is said openly against military men and war, because the leaders of the New Movement are already seeking votes for their cause, and they fear to load down the Movement with issues that may diminish its strength at the polls. We must speak boldly on this question, for the honesty and disinterestedness of the leaders of this cause, are absolutely necessary to its perpetuity. It will die unhonored unless ambitious demagogues are kept from its ranks. The writer of this has consecrated his opposition to the man that seeks and only seeks office in this Movement. Unless it can occupy higher grounds than either of the other parties it cannot succeed-it should not succeed.

4. Land Reform. The National Reformers had also waxed to a goodly degree of strength in the land, and they are men of some activity. These could not unite upon either of the candidates of Baltimore or Philadelphia, because they had resolved

to vote for the freedom of the Public Lands upon a broad principle their freedom to actual settlers of all nations and colors. They divided slavery into two kinds-Chattel Slavery and Wages Slavery and it puzzled them to tell which was the more injurious to the slaves, the more destructive to human happiness. They said they would oppose both kinds of slavery--and made a proposition to the Friends of Freedom from Chattel Slavery to unite their strength and carry on Freedom on a broad Platform. The Anti-Slavery Extensionist looked a little startled at this proposition, but said, your votes are worth something, and I will consider your principles, which are new to me, and if they commend themselves to my favor, I will strike hands with you. He did consider the subject on all sides-on some to see if it would drive many Anti-Slavery Misers and Speculators from the Movement. He finally concluded that the subject might be gently touched in a resolution, on which no comments should be made, and if generally evaded by the candidates, whose letters are apt to be closely scrutinized, the Radical and the Miser might both be conciliated. With a large portion of the Reformers this plan had favor, because they were glad to get even so much of a recognition of the principle, and hoped the new party would be the progress party of the age, and grow up into the fullness of the Truth. The National Reformer who looked to policy in forwarding his course, softly stroked the new birth, and called him a lad of promise. But the stern old pioneers in the cause said no-this new party will grow to be a monster to devour us, unless he receives us into full and open fellowship, and we will stand aside, preserve what we have gained, and do something to increase our strength.

Nevertheless, the principles of National Reform are a portion of the Buffalo creed, and the countenance expected from their advocates, had much to do in encouraging the Ohio Movement. True, the Free Soil party has not very frankly avowed those doctrines but they must do it, and will do it, or their days will be few. No one is found to oppose, who would be worthy enrolling in the cause of Freedom, and it is only a low fear that prevents an open avowal of them.

5. A fifth course, and that which includes all the others, is the failure of the Whig and Democratic parties to represent the opinions of many who had hitherto acted with them.

The Democratic National Convention assembled at Baltimore on the 22d of May, 1843, to nominate candidates for the Chief

Magistracy. Besides the indignity offered New York by excluding her delegates, a candidate was nominated, who, though once an Anti-Slavery Extensionist, had recently turned his face Southward to receive a genial breeze of favor, and announced a gradual change that he said had been going on in his own and the public mind. General Cass had published the doctrine that Congress had no power to abolish or regulate slavery in the Territories, nor even to prevent its extension thither. As a reward for his conversion, he was received into the bosom of the South, who resolved to present him for the highest office in the gift of the people. The Slavery Extensionists, or rather those who supported the doctrine of Cass, presented themselves in a bold column, and with stubborn sternness. They at once alarmed the timid and wheeled them into a line, for they made the impression that the South would support no man who favored the Wilmot Proviso, and consequently the timid feared the dissolution of the party, and shook hands with her. To prove this, two facts are sufficient-the fact that the Committee on Credentials refused to look into the papers of the conflicting sets of delegates from New York, unless they would pledge themselves before hand to support the nomination, whoever it might be; and secondly, that one of the delegates of Georgia, Mr. Forman, stated that he was authorized to say the Georgia delegation would support no Wilmot Proviso man. But lest a Proviso man should receive a majority of the votes, the South guarded against his nomination by the adoption of a resolution requiring two-thirds of all the votes cast to make a nomination. By these manoeuverings, General Cass received the nomi

nation.

And if the doctrine of Cass on the subject of Slavery was not sufficiently explicit, the Convention passed a resolution which the South regarded as covering the whole ground.

RESOLVED, That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts by the Abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the People, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.

This is one of the long series of Resolutions reported by Mr. Hallett, Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, and adopted by the Convention. Messrs. Yancy, McGehee, and Commander, representing Alabama, Florida and South Carolina, made a minority report, concurring in all except the one quoted above, and recommending the following as a substitute:

RESOLVED, That the doctrine of non-interference with the rights of property of any portion of the People of this Confederation, be it in the States or Territories, by any other than the parties interested in them, is the true republican doctrine recognized in this body.

This resolution, it was thought, would bring too much ridicule upon the North for subserviency; and, therefore, it was rejected by a vote of 216 to 36. The principle was thought to be sufficiently explicit in the resolution of the Committee who had couched it in a more discreet verbal ambiguity. Mr. Strong, in behalf of the Delegation from South Carolina, said, that in their belief the resolutions regularly introduced, covered the whole ground of non-interference with the rights of Slaveholders on the part of Congress, whether in the States or Territories. The resolutions were then adopted by 249 out of 254 votes.

This, then, was a surrender of the whole question, notwithstanding nearly every Legislature in the North and most of the Democratic Conventions had passed most emphatic resolutions announcing their determination to secure Freedom to the conquered territory.

The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia on the 7th day of June, 1848. General Zachary Taylor was nominated in consequence of his supposed availability. He had not expressed himself fully upon any important question, and he could call up the enthusiasm which military glory inspires among the vulgar. His non-committalism would enable the politicians of the different localities to fight the battle according to the demands of time and place, although those of one section might be found contradicting those of another. The strongest intimations that he had ever given of his Whig faith, was that he was a Whig, but not an ultra Whig," and that though he never had voted for President in his life-being sixty-two years of age-yet had he voted in 1844, he would have cast his vote for Clay. On the other hand, he had stated in many letters, that he could on no condition be the candidate of a party; this

was his "immutable" position; and though he accepted the Whig nomination, yet, he said in a letter to a South Carolina friend, that he would have accepted the Baltimore nomination, had it been tendered. He had not declared his views on a single principle, excepting, perhaps, the Veto Power, which he said should not be exercised on questions that had been settled by the authorities, and long acquiesced in by the people. On the question of Slavery Extension, he has remained perfectly silent; and the fact that he is a slaveholder and breathes the atmosphere of the South, are sufficient to compel the belief that he is on Southern ground in relation to this subject. Many of the Convention became alarmed, and to test still further the sense of the Whig party, as represented at Philadelphia, Mr. John A. Bingham, of Ohio, introduced the following resolution:

RESOLVED, That the Whig party, through its representatives here, agrees to abide by the nomination of General Zachary Taylor, on condition that he will accept the nomination as a candidate of the Whig party, and adheres to its great fundamental principles--no extension of Slave Territory, no acquisition of Foreign Territory by conquest, protection to American Industry, and opposition to Executive Patronage.

This resolution created the utmost confusion, and it was choked down by a call for the order of the day, to wit, the nomination of the Vice President. This was all the attempt put forth by the Philadelphia Convention to erect a Platform.

The Free Soil Movement, which is becoming known as the Free Democracy, originated in Cincinnati. Early in the month of May, 1848, a call was published in two of the Cincinnati papers for a People's Convention, of such as were opposed to the further extension of Slavery, to be held at Columbus on the twentieth and twenty-first of June. This was signed by several thousand voters, chiefly residing in Ohio, among whom are some who afterwards battled for the election of Gen. Taylor, but who were then opposed to his nomination. This was the first step taken toward organizing the elements that received form at the enthusiastic Buffalo Convention.

Concurrently with this movement in Ohio, steps were being taken in New York which were finally directed into the same channel. The Democracy of this State were split into two portions, called the Old Hunkers and the Barnburners. This schism was of several years standing, and about this period they became irreconcilable. The former were the more illiberal por