sent in 790 to the Roman pontiff, Adrian, who attempted to answer and refute the objections of Charlemagne. The prince, however, in 794, assembled a council, composed of three hundred bishops, at Frankfort, in which the important question concerning the worship due to images was agitated and examined. In this council, the opinions supported in the Four Books, of the lawfulness and expediency of placing pictures in churches, either as ornaments to the building, or as useful in refreshing the memory, was allowed, but the worship of them absolutely forbidden; and, according to the testimony of Roger Hovedon, and other English writers, the British churches assented to this decision.

The first idea of transubstantiation appears to have arisen during this century, though it was long before it was generally adopted, or before it assumed the name. The Constantinopolitan fathers, in 754, among other things against images, having said that Christ had no otherwise left us an image of himself than in the eucharist; the Nicene fathers, in 787, alleged in opposition that this was not the image of Christ, but his very body and blood; which first assertion of this monstrous absurdity, as well as many others, was made by the Iconolatræ, or worshippers of images.

The investigation of the important question respecting images was not the sole difficulty by which the consciences of the Christians were distracted during this century. The Greeks reproached the Latin Church with having added the word filioque to the Byzantine creed, and asserted that the Divine Spirit proceeded only from the Father; while the Latins, on their part, affirmed that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father and the Son. In a council held in France, in 776, at which the ambassadors of the emperor assisted, the controversy was examined and agitated; and the conduct of the Spanish and Gallic clergy, who had interpolated the word filioque into the creed of Constantinople, was severely arraigned. But the conference terminated in the usual mode. Each party continued inflexibly attached to the opinions they had embraced, and no alteration was obtained on either side.

Many additional causes occurred to increase the mutual dislike of the contending patriarchs of Rome and Constantinople: nor was either party averse to any opportunity of exhibiting their respective pretensions and reciprocal antipathy. Either convinced by the arguments, or obedient to the commands of their sovereign, the bishops of Constantinople had steadily opposed the decision of the Roman see respecting the worship of images; their power and riches had been extended by the measures taken by the emperor to humble the haughty successors of St. Peter; and the question respecting the procession of the Holy Spirit was a new source of rancour and contention between those rival brethren. Instances of the most flagitious conduct are to be found in the characters of these respective bishops. Anastasius, the Byzantine patriarch, who, upon the deposition of Germanus, and the manifestation of his attachment to the opinions of the Iconoclasts, had been raised to the vacant see, had the audacious villany, in the ensuing reign, in order to support the claims of a usurper to the throne, to calumniate the emperor as a believer in the simple humanity of Christ, and to confirm his testimony by swearing on the wood of the cross which he held in his hand. This atrocious conduct was resented by the emperor; he

ordered the prelate to be publicly scourged, and to be carried through the city mounted upon an ass, with his face to the tail; but he added not to his ignominy the deserved mortification of a deprivation from the see. (Theoph. ad Ann. Const. 1.) The conduct of Zachary, in relation to Pepin's claim to the kingdom of France, was scarcely less atrocious than that of Anastasius. Indeed, whatever vices have disgraced the annals of mankind, are to be found among these degenerate and corrupted ecclesiastics. Compulsion and artifice were continually employed to procure the possession of the see of Rome. In 767, Constantine, of a noble family, obtained possession of the papacy; and, after his accession to the pontificate, was ordained sub-deacon, deacon, and bishop, in order to enable him to retain the seat he had usurped. Great commotions were the consequences of this attempt; an armed force from the king of the Lombards subdued Constantine, and compelled him to retire; and he received afterward, from his successor, the reward of his violence, by a cruel and premature death.

The name of Charlemagne, whose ambition and policy so considerably augmented the revenues of the Church, makes a conspicuous figure in the annals of ecclesiastical history. Nor were these accessions the only advantages derived to the Christian world from the zeal of this monarch. No less from the political motive of subduing them under his power, than from the desire of propagating religion, he abolished the idolatrous worship of the Saxons, destroyed the temples of their gods, and, more indeed by compulsion than by argument, induced them to a nominal profession of Christianity.

His aversion to superstition was ardent and sincere, though it was sometimes sacrificed to motives of policy; and his veneration for the sacred writings was unaffected. Every encouragement was extended by him for the promotion of literature, and of that branch in particular which relates to the illustration of Scripture. In his capitularies he imposed several salutary restraints on the monastic orders; he reformed the ritual of the Latin Church, and ordered it to be received in all the churches of his dominions. That his attempts to restore the knowledge of true religion, and to animate his subjects to the vigorous exertions of genius, should not be successful, will not excite our astonishment, if we consider the state of society at that period. It is greatly to his honour to have made the attempt, and by apparently the most judicious means. Schools contiguous to the principal churches and monasteries were erected by his command, for the instruction of youth in religion and learning. Every encouragement was offered, both by the example and munificence of the emperor, to the exertions of genius; and no measure was left unessayed to civilize the savage manners of the age, to restore Christianity, and to revive the decayed interests of literature.

CHAPTER II.

OF GOVERNMENT, DOCTRINE, RITES, AND CEREMONIES IN THE

EIGHTH CENTURY.

Nature and limits of the papal authority-National councils-Increase of monkeryRites and customs of paganism transferred to Christianity-Reverence paid to the bishop of Rome-Military bishops-Images and donations-New rites of communion-Rites respecting the tonsure of children-Marriage.

FROM the review of the councils held during the eighth century, one might, on a cursory view, be tempted to conceive that the remedies applied to the increasing evils had been efficacious, and that additional restraints were altogether unnecessary. Corruption and profligacy, however, had so far invaded all ranks of society that few were either qualified or disposed to stem the torrent of iniquity and folly. The eastern emperors, and the clergy of the whole Christian world. were occupied by the contest concerning images. In France, Charles Martel applied the revenues of the Church to the support of the state; and Spain, oppressed by the victorious arms of the Saracens, was not in a condition to offer her assistance. Some canons, for the better regulation of the church and the reformation of the clergy, were made in the great council of Nice, and in the lesser councils of Italy, France, and England. These assemblies were all under the supreme dominion of the emperors or kings. The eastern potentates, as long as they retained their Italian dominions, regularly confirmed the election of the Roman pontiff; they assumed the right not only of interfering, but of deciding in controversies of a merely religious nature, which was a privilege unclaimed by the emperor of the west. The power of the Roman bishop was still however confined within prescribed limits. He could determine nothing material by his sole authority; the bishops of provinces under his jurisdiction frequently voted in direct opposition to him. The emperor claimed the sole right of convening and presiding in councils; he occasionally inspected all the affairs of the Church, and enacted regulations respecting the morals and conduct of the clergy; and from the monasteries and churches he derived a revenue proportioned to their possessions.

Under the Gothic princes of Spain the national councils were composed of the bishops and the principal abbots, who, while they agitated the important questions of ecclesiastical discipline and doctrine, excluded the laity from their debates. This business concluded, the great men of the kingdom were admitted into their assemblies, and their decrees were ratified by the consent of the people. Under the dominion of the kings of the second race in France, and in some parts of England, practices somewhat similar prevailed. The nobles took their place in the assembly along with the clergy; civil as well as ecclesiastical business engaged the attention of the assembly; the bishops composed articles for the internal policy of the Church, and the nobles for the prosperity of the state, which were ratified by the sovereign, and obtained the names of chapters or capitularies.·

Accessions of power and opulence were not confined to the rapa

cious see of Rome, but immense riches flowed in various channels into the treasuries of the monasteries and of the churches. A number of convents were founded, and richly endowed; and the revenues of the secular clergy were augmented by the superstitious opinion that the punishments annexed by God to the commission of sin were to be averted by liberal donations to the Church. This opinion, which, during succeeding ages, drew continual supplies of wealth into the ecclesiastical coffers, afforded in this century a pretext for the liberality of princes to the Church. Provinces, cities, and fortresses were added to its possessions; and the monks and superior clergy were invested with the appendages and prerogative of sovereign princes.

In the granting of these investitures we must however, look beyond the avowed motive. Policy was thought to require the attachment of a body of men whose influence was acknowledged by all; whose sacred characters, and spiritual powers were found of the utmost efficacy in restraining the rebellious and turbulent spirit of the nobles; and whose gratitude and services might be secured by ample and liberal donations. The influence of the clergy was indeed rendered enormous by the authority which was attributed to their censures. The thunders of excommunication rolled over the head of the impious offender against the authority of the Church; and all ranks and degrees trembled at the execution of a sentence which deprived them not only of their privileges as citizens, but of their rights as men. The powers of the Romish Church, in particular, were extended by the success of the missionaries of Germany, who bent the necks of that fierce and barbarous people to their spiritual yoke. The hereditary prejudices of the barbarians were, indeed, a fruitful source of the power acquired by the Roman see; and it is to their influence we must ascribe the superior advantages obtained by the western clergy over their brethren of the east. The priests of paganism had obtained an entire ascendency over the minds of an ignorant and superstitious people; every civil and military transaction was regulated by their counsels and authority; and even the domestic transactions of these barbarians were directed by the advice of the ministers of religion. By a very natural and easy transition the powers which had been enjoyed by the pagan priesthood were acknowledged in the ministers of Christ; the haughty barbarians, who had spurned at and subverted the civil authority, fell prostrate at the feet of either their vanquished or conquering enemies who were dignified with the episcopal character; and, on the other hand, it must be confessed that the Romish clergy were not at all averse to receiving every advantage which might be derived from the superstition and ignorance of this people. They readily accepted the honours paid them by the barbarous nations; and the Roman bishop founded his claim as successor to the sovereign pontiff, and to the high priest of the druids, upon pretended authorities drawn from the sacred oracles of God. The reverence with which the bishops of the Roman see were occasionally addressed, exceeded the measure of adulation commonly paid even to royalty. The custom of kissing the feet of the pope, upon his accession to the papacy, was quite established in the eighth century, though for some succeeding ages it was practised upon that occasion only. This custom was derived, in common with various other honours, from the sovereign pontiff, to whose privileges the bishop of

Rome had succeeded. It had been introduced by the emperor and pontiff Caligula; probably in part to obtain one mark of adoration which had never been paid to his predecessors; and partly through the absurd vanity of exhibiting his magnificent slipper of gold, enriched with precious stones.

The introduction of the clergy into military offices was a circumstance not very favourable to their piety or virtue. John, the deacon of the great church at Constantinople, was created admiral of the imperial fleet against the Saracens; and lost his life in a mutiny, the effect of his imprudent severity against the refractory mariners. The troops of Naples were commanded by a sub-deacon; and the different functions of bishop and soldier were executed by Gevilieb, bishop of Mentz. This exemplary churchman directed a challenge in the most violent terms to another warlike bishop, whom he accused of killing his father; nor was the death of his antagonist considered as the smallest impediment to the discharge of his sacred function.

In the second council of Nice regulations were adopted for preventing in some degree the increasing ignorance of the clergy, by the canon which commanded an examination of the candidate for a bishopric, by interrogating him concerning his acquaintance with the liturgy, the gospels, and epistles, and the decrees of councils; and some restraint was put upon their private avarice, by a prohibition to the bishops or abbots to dispose of the goods of their churches or monasteries.

Ignorance is the true and genuine parent of vice; and in an age so unfavourable to knowledge and virtue, we must not expect to find even the clergy exempt from that depravity which contaminated all classes of society. Luxury pervaded the sacerdotal order; and the flagitious conduct of the priests and monks called for repeated restrictions. In the council of Frankfort, abbots were prohibited from inflicting severe punishments on the offending monks; and from the shocking cruelty of putting out the eyes, or cutting off the limbs, of their inferior brethren, whatever might be their offence. The reformation of the clergy, from the deplorable errors and misconduct by which they were disgraced, was an object with several of the bishops, who were shocked at the licentiousness and vice of some of that order. For this purpose,

Chrodegandus, bishop of Metz, established the institution of canons, or ecclesiastics, who, without adopting the monastic habits or method of life, should dwell together, and eat at one common table; and should assemble at appointed hours for the celebration of Divine service.— This order was intended to prevent the vices of the clergy, by removing them from mean and temporal pursuits; they were, however, distinguished from the monks by not being confined, in the performance of their ecclesiastical functions, to the walls of their monasteries, but were allowed to discharge the clerical duties in different churches committed to their care. The western nations adopted this new order with celerity; and numerous monasteries were erected for this purpose in Italy, Germany, and France. The worship of images, and the efficacy of donations to the church for the remission of sins, were the reigning tenets of the present age. They had been inculcated at a previous period, and had been increasing for some time in their extent and reputation. False as the foundations for those opinions were, they