was

the last three acts in a fortnight). The "Two Foscari" was written between 11 June and 10 July; "Cain," begun on 16 July, was finished 9 Sept. The "Deformed Transformed" written at the end of the same year. "Werner," a mere dramatisation of Harriet Lee's "Kruitzner" in the "Canterbury Tales," was written between 18 Dec. 1821 and 20 Jan. 1822. The vigorous, though perverse, letters to Bowles on the Pope controversy are also dated 7 Feb. and 25 March 1821. No literary hack could have written more rapidly, and some would have! Written as well. The dramas thus poured forth at full speed by a thoroughly undramatic writer, hampered by the wish to preserve the "unities," mark (with the exception of "Cain") his lowest level, and are often mere prose broken into apparent verse.

much of his talk, and inspired bis most powerful writing. His genuine hatred of war and pity for human suffering are shown, amidst much affectation, in his loftiest verse. Though no democrat after the fashion of Shelley, he was a hearty detester of the system supported by the Holy Alliance. He was ready to be a leader in the revolutionary movements of the time. The walls of Ravenna were placarded with "Up with the republic!" and "Death to the pope!" Young Count Gamba (Theresa's brother) soon afterwards returned to Ravenna, became intimate with Byron, and introduced him to the secret societies. On 8 Dec. 1820 the commandant of the troops in Ravenna was mortally wounded in the street. <Byron had the man carried into his house at the point of death, and describes the event in "Don Juan" (v. 34). >It was due in some way to the action of the societies. A rising in the Romagna was now expected. Byron had offered a subscrip tion of one thousand louis to the constitutional government, in Naples, to which the societies looked for support. He had become head of the Americani, a section of the Carbonari, and bought some arms for them, which during the following crisis were suddenly returned to him, and had to be concealed in his house. An advance of Austrian troops caused a collapse of the whole scheme. A thousand members of the best families in the Roman states were banished, and among them the Gambas. Mme. Guiccioli says that the government hoped by exiling them to get rid of Byron, whose position as an English nobleman made it difficult to reach him directly for his suspected relations with the Carbonari. The countess helped, perhaps was intentionally worked upon, to dislodge him. Her husband requested that she should be forced to return to him or placed in a convent. Frightened by the threat, she escaped to her father and brother in Florence.

Count Guiccioli began to give trouble. Byron was warned not to ride in the forest alone, for fear of probable assassination. Guiccioli's long acquiescence had turned public opinion against him, and a demand for separation on account wife came from her friends. On of his "extraordinary usage" of his 12 July a papal decree pronounced a separation accordingly. The countess was to receive £200 a year from her husband, to live under the paternal roof, and only to see Byron under restrictions. She retired to a villa of the Gambas fifteen miles off, where Byron rode out to see her " once or twice a month," passing the intervals in "perfect solitude." By January 1821, however, she seems to have been back in Ravenna. Byron did all he could to prevent her from leaving her husband, Italy was seething with the Carbonaro Political complications were arising. conspiracies. The Gambas were noted liberals. Byron's aristocratic vanity was quite consistent with a conviction

of the corruption and political blindness of the class to which he boasted of belonging. The cant, the imbecility, and immorality of the ruling classes at home and abroad were the theme of

A quarrel in which a servant of Byron's proposed to stiletto an officer 'made his relations with the authorities

very unpleasant. The poor of Ravenna petitioned that the charitable Englishman might be asked to remain, and only increased the suspicions of the government. Byron fell into one of his usual states of indecision. Shelley, at his request, came from Pisa to consult, and "reports him greatly improved in health and morals. He found Byron occupying splendid apartments in the palace of Count Guiccioli. Byron had now, he says, an income of £4000 a year, and devoted £1000 to charity (the context seems to disprove the variant reading £100), an expenditure sufficient to explain the feeling at Ravenna mentioned by Mme. Guiccioli, Shelley, by Byron's desire, wrote to the countess, advising her against Switzerland. In reply she begged Shelley not to leave Ravenna without Byron, and Byron begged him to stay and protect him from a relapse into his old habits. Byron lingered at Ravenna till 29 Oct., still hoping, it seems, for a recall of the Gambas. At last he got in motion, with many sad forebodings, and preceded by his family of monkeys, dogs, cats, and peahens. He met Lord Clare on the way to Bologna, and accompanied Rogers from Bologna. Rogers duly celebrated the meeting in his poem on Italy; but Trelawny tells how Byron grinned sardonically when he saw Rogers seated upon a cushion under which was concealed a bitter satire written by Byron upon Rogers himself. Byron settled in the Casa Lafranchi at Pisa, an old ghosthaunted palace, which Trelawny contrasted with the cheerful and hospitable abode of the Shelleys. The Gambas Occupied part of the same palace. Byron again saw some English society. A silly Irishman named Taaffe, author of a translation of Dante, for which Byron tried to find a publisher, with Medwin, Trelawny, Shelley, and Williams, were his chief associates. Medwin, of the 24th light dragoons, was at Pisa from 30 Nov. 1821 till 15 March 1822, and again for a few days in August.

It was afterwards published in Fraser's, January 1833.

Trelawny, who reached Pisa early in 1822, and was afterwards in constant intercourse with Byron, was the keenest observer who has described him. Trelawny insists upon his own superiority in swimming, and regards Byron as an effeminate pretender to masculine qualities. Byron turned his worst side to such a man; yet Trelawny admits his genuine courage and can do justice to his better qualities.

Scott

Mme. Guiccioli had withdrawn her prohibition of "Don Juan" on promise of better behaviour. On 8 Aug. 1822 he has finished three more cantos and is beginning another. Meanwhile "Cain" (published December 1821) had produced hostile reviews and attacks. had cordially accepted the dedication. Moore's timid remonstrances showed the set of public opinion. When Murray applied for an injunction to protect his property against threatened piracy, Eldon refused; holding (9 Feb. 1822) that the presumption was not in favour of the innocent character of the book. Murray had several manuscripts of Byron in hand, including the famous "Vision of Judgment";, and this experience increased his caution. Byron began to think of a plan, already sug gested to Moore in 1820, of starting a weekly newspaper with a revolutionary title, such as "I Carbonari." In Shelley's society this plan took a new shape. It was proposed to get Leigh Hunt for an editor. In 1813 Byron had visited Hunt when imprisoned for a libel on the prince regent. Hunt had taken Byron's part in the Examiner in 1816, and had dedicated to him the "Story of Rimini." Shelley and Byron now agreed (in spite of Moore's remonstrances against association with illbred cockneys) to bring Leigh Hunt to Italy. They assumed that Hunt would retain his connection with the Examiner, of which his brother John was proprietor.

Hunt threw up this position without their knowledge, and started for Italy with his wife and six children. Shelley explained to Hunt (26 Aug. 1821) that

Byron's servant stabbed an hussar.1 Byron spent some weeks in the summer at Monte Nero, near Leghorn (where he and Mme. Guiccioli sat to the American painter West), and returned to Pisa in July. About the same time the Gambas were ordered to leave Tuscan territory. Byron's stay at Pisa had been marked by the death of Allegra (20 April) and of Shelley (8 July). Details of the ghastly ceremony of burning the bodies of Williams and Shelley (15 and 16 Aug.) are given by Trelawny, with characteristic details of Byron's emotion and hysterical affectation of levity. Shelley, who exaggerated Byron's poetical merits (see his enthusiastic eulogy of the fifth canto of "Don Juan" on his visit to Pisa), was kept at a certain distance by his perception of Byron's baser qualities. Byron had always respected Shelley as a man of simple, lofty, and unworldly character, and as undeniably a gentleman by birth and breeding. Shelley, according to Trelawny, was the only man to whom Byron talked seriously and confidentially. He told Moore that Shelley was "the least selfish and the mildest of men," and added to Murray that he was "as perfect a gentleman as ever crossed a drawing-room." He was, however, capable of believing and communicating to Hoppner scandalous stories about the Shelleys and Claire, and of meanly suppressing Mrs. Shelley's confutation of the story.2

Trelawny had stimulated the nautical tastes of Byron and Shelley. Captain Roberts, a naval friend of his at Genoa, built an open boat for Shelley, and a schooner, called the Bolivar, for Byron. Trelawny manned her with five sailors and brought her round to Leghorn. Byron was annoyed by the cost; knew nothing, says Trelawny, of the sea, and could never be induced to take a cruise in her. When Byron left Pisa, after a terrible hubbub of moving his house

See depositions in Medwin.

See Mr. Froude in Nineteenth Century, August 1883; and Mr. Jeaffreson's reply in the Athenæum, 1 and 22 Sept. 1883.

hold and his baggage, Trelawny sailed in the Bolivar, Byron's servants following in one felucca, the Hunts in another, Byron travelling by land. They met at Lerici. Byron with Trelawny swam out to the Bolivar, three miles, and back. The effort cost him four days' illness. On his recovery he went to Genoa and settled in the Casa Salucci at Albaro; the Gambas occupying part of the same house. Trelawny laid up the Bolivar, afterwards sold to Lord Blessington for four hundred guineas, and early next year went off on a ramble to Rome. Lord and Lady Blessington, with Count d'Orsay, soon afterwards arrived at Genoa; and Lady Blessington has recorded her conversations with Byron. His talk with her was chiefly sentimental monologue about himself. Trelawny says that he was a spoilt child; the nickname "Baby Byron" (given to him, says Hunt, i. 139, by Mrs. Leigh) "fitted him to a T." His waywardness, his strange incontinence of speech, his outbursts of passion, his sensitiveness to all that was said of him, come out vividly in these reports.

His health was clearly enfeebled. Residence in the swampy regions of

Venice and Ravenna had increased his liability to malaria. His restlessness and indecision grew upon him. His passion for Madame Guiccioli had never blinded him to its probable dangers for both. This experience had made him sceptical as to the durability of his passions; especially for a girl not yet of age, and of no marked force of intel lect or character." Hunt speaks of a growing coldness, which affected her spirits and which she injudiciously resented. Byron's language to Lady Blessington shows that the bonds were acknowledged but no longer cherished. He talked of returning to England, of settling in America, of buying a Greek island, of imitating Lady Hester Stanhope. He desired to restore his selfesteem, wounded by the failure of the Liberal. He had long before (28 Feb. 1817) told Moore that if he lived ten years longer he would yet do something,

and declared that he did not think literature his vocation. He still hoped to show himself a man of action instead of a mere dreamer and dawdler. The Greek committee was formed in London in the spring of 1823, and Trelawny wrote to one of the members, Blaquière, suggesting Byron's name. Blaquière was soon visiting Greece for information, and called upon Byron in his way. The committee had unanimously elected him a member. Byron was flattered and accepted. His old interest in Greece increased his satisfaction at a proposal which fell in with his mood. He at once told the committee (12 May) that his first wish was to go to the Levant. Though the scheme gave Byron an aim and excited his imagination, he still hesitated, and with reason. Weak health and military inexperience were bad qualifications for the leader of a revolt. Captain Roberts conveyed messages and counter messages from Byron to Trelawny for a time. At last 22 June 1823) Trelawny heard from Byron, who had engaged a "collierbuilt tub" of 120 tons, called the Hercules, for his expedition and summoned Trelawny's help.

and

Byron had taken leave of the Blessingtons with farewell presents, forebodings, and a burst of tears. He took 10,000 crowns in specie, 40,000 in bills, and a large supply of medicine; Treawny, young Gamba, Bruno, an "unfledged medical student," several servants, including Fletcher. He had prepared three helmets with his crest, "Crede Byron," for Trelawny, Gamba, and himself; and afterwards begged from Trelawny a negro servant and a smart military jacket. They sailed from Genoa on Tuesday, 15 July; a gale forced them to return and repair damages. They stayed two days at Leghorn, and were joined by Mr. Hamilton Browne. Here, too, Byron received a copy of verses from Goethe, who had inserted a complimentary notice of Byron in the "Kunst und Alterthum," and to whom Byron had dedicated "Werner." By Browne's ad

vice they sailed for Cephalonia, where Sir C. J. Napier was in command and known to sympathise with the Greeks. Trelawny says that he was never "on shipboard with a better companion." Byron's spirits revived at sea; he was full of fun and practical jokes; read Scott, Swift, Grimm, Rochefoucauld; chatted pleasantly, and talked of describing Stromboli in a fifth canto of "Childe Harold." On 2 Aug. they "sighted Cephalonia. They found that Napier was away, and that Blaquière had left for England. Byron began to fancy that he had been used as a decoy, and declared that he must see his way plainly before moving. Napier soon returned, and the party was warmly received by the residents. Information from Greece was scarce and doubtful. Trelawny resolved to start with Browne, knowing, he says, that Byron, once on shore, would again become dawdling and shilly-shallying. Byron settled at a village called Metaxata, near Argostoli, and remained there till 27 Dec.

Byron's nerve was evidently shaken. He showed a strange irritability and nervousness. He wished to hear of some agreement among the divided and factious Greek chiefs before trusting himself among them. The Cephalonian Greeks, according to Trelawny, favoured the election of a foreign king, and Trelawny thought that Byron was really impressed by the possibility of receiving a crown. Byron hinted to Parry afterwards of great offers which had been made to him. Fancies of this kind may have passed through his mind. Yet his general judgment of the situation was remarkable for its strong sense. His cynical tendencies at least kept him free from the enthusiasts' illusions, and did not damp his zeal.

In Cephalonia Byron had some conversations upon religious topics with Dr. Kennedy, physician of the garrison. Kennedy reported them in a book, in which he unfortunately thought more of expounding his argument than of reporting Byron. Byron had, in fact, no settled views. His heterodoxy did not