The last cause of the Exodus I shall mention is the spirit of murder which so largely prevails in the Southern States. Among "gentlemen" the barbarous "code of honor" is still in vogue, and it is only occasionally that a man of social standing is brave enough to refuse to be a murderer and suicide, to prove his manhood by refusing to consent when the rules of that "code" would require him to take the "field." Murder has been openly justified to secure political success in every Southern State. There is a large class in the rural districts which regards it as a small offense to shoot or help hang “an impudent nigger." The late tragedy in Yazoo City, Mississippi, is but one of many where political opponents have been gotten rid of by shooting them. The better classes do not approve these violent acts, but politically are willing to accept the benefits of them, and in matters outside of politics they have no power seemingly to prevent them.

A few leading secular papers have admitted and denounced this murderous spirit, but it yet exists, and the Negroes are most often its victims. Speaking of this, the "Meridian (Miss.) Mercury" says:—

The cause of such frequent and horrible murders must be sought in the diseased state of public sentiment. Juries who acquit murderers in the face of law and fact only obey the public opinion prevalent in the community around them. Juries never fail in enforcing the law against theft, etc., simply because public sentiment backs them up in this case, and a like result would follow in case public opinion rebuked and condemned murder as sternly as it does theft. We suggest that every preacher of every denomination of our State shall set apart two Sundays in the year for sermons on the text, "Thou shalt do no murder," and that they display it plainly and forcibly. We suggest that the Churches try and expel all who take human life, except in actual defense. Society should also set the seal of reprobation and outlawry upon ruffianism and barbarism, by slamming its doors in the faces of murderers and ruffians. Stamp murder as ungentlemanly, and it will be properly punished by the courts; but to attain this point the people must be educated to regard murder with horror.

But even this paper, which preaches so well in the abstract, and unwittingly gives so vivid a picture of how murder is regarded in that State, could not demand that the murderers of the Chisholm family, whose deeds so shocked the nation, should be punished. Of them this paper said, "They will never be

punished, because they simply obeyed the sentiment of the community in doing what they did."

CONCLUSION.

To what this Exodus will grow will depend upon whether the causes which have started it are removed or not. I have mentioned the chief causes operating against the Negroes in the South. Others coming from the defects and weaknesses in the Negro character are operating among the more ignorant and shiftless masses, but these could effect but little if the ones named were removed, or at once and effectually mitigated.

The hand of Providence is to me evident in this Exodus. To the Negroes it is the awakening of a new life and independence. Those who go will be surrounded by the best civilization of the age, and their children will grow up in the schools to be intelligent, independent, and aggressive; and the white people of the South, it is to be hoped, feeling their loss in those who have gone, will care for, protect, and help the better those who remain. The nation will, by the Exodus, have its heart stirred toward those who so lately were in bondage; and the publication of facts as to their present condition will prevent the nation from forgetting its duty to them.

To the Southern States this movement means much more than it does to the Negroes or the nation. It is God's last if not final appeal to the wealth and intelligence of this section to do right by the Negro populations in their midst. If this Exodus becomes general the South is ruined financially, and her political prestige is forever gone. The white people of the South can alone stop this Exodus. The land tenure and credit systems must be changed for better ones; bulldozing must stop, and heroic efforts for the religion and educational welfare of all classes must be inaugurated. To talk about immigration to the South while the causes now operating to produce this Exodus remain, is idle. To talk about importing Chinese labor to take the place of the Negroes is equally idle. The South must do right toward the Negro, or perish. The difficulties are great, but the God-appointed appliances of this age are greater.

ART. VII.—SYNOPSIS OF THE QUARTERLIES AND OTHERS OF THE HIGHER PERIODICALS.

American Quarterly Reviews.

LUTHERAN QUARTERLY, July, 1879. (Gettysburg.)-1. Relation of Children to the Church; by M. Valentine, D.D. 2. The Messianic Idea in Pre-Christian Apocalyptic Literature; by Rev. George H. Schodde, A.M., Ph.D. 3. The Chinese Problem, or, Agnosticism Worked Out; by C. A. Stork, D.D. 4. Regeneration by Baptism; by Rev. Prof. E. F. Giese. 5. The Ritual of the Lord's Supper; from the German. 6. Sketch of Muhlenberg Mission, Africa; by Rev. J. A. Clutz, A. M. 7. General Synod.

NEW ENGLANDER, July, 1879. (New Haven.)-1. John Tillotson, Doctor in Divinity, sometime Archbishop of Canterbury; by Rev. Edwin Harwood, D.D. 2. The Independent Church in the Bermuda Islands; by Rev. Pres. Edward D. Neill. 3. Mazzini and the Italian Revolution: by John E. Curren. 4. The Fathers of New England, the Apostolic Church Order, the Inheritance of their Sons; by Rev. Daniel P. Noyes, D.D. 5. The Desirableness of Preaching the Gospel rather than the Law in Times of the Failure of Public Integrity; by Prof. J. M. Hoppin. 6. The Theology of Herodotus; by Rev. Rufus B. Richardson. 7. The Nature and Progress of True Socialism; by Prof. J. B. Clark. September, 1879.-1. Shall the Metric System be made Compulsory? by Henry T. Blake. 2. The Unrest of the Age as Seen in its Literature; by Louis J. Swinburne. 3. Dr. Millingen's Reminiscences of Lord Byron in Greece; by Prof. A. V. Millingen. 4. The Formal and the Vital in the Bible; by Rev. I. E. Dwinell. 5. Final Purpose in Nature; by Rev. George T. Ladd. 6. Concerning a Recent Chapter of Ecclesiastical History; by Rev. Leonard Bacon, D.D. QUARTERLY REVIEW OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH, SOUTH, July, 1879. (Nashville, Tenn.)-1. Shakspeare's Hamlet: A Study in Intellectual Philos ophy; by A. A. Lipscomb, D.D., LL.D. 2. Individuality of Character; by C. G. Andrews, D.D. 3. Modern Teleology; by Prof. J. W. Glenn, A.M. 4. Pauline Christianity; by C. W. Miller, D.D. 5. Recent German Pessimism; by Prof. J. P. Lacroix, A.M. 6. The Duties of Higher Races to Themselves; by Rev. B. W. Bond. 7. Mrs. Cross and Her Writings; by Mrs. M. Martin. 8. The Methodist Church of Canada; by Rev. E. Barrass, A.M. 9. The Baptisms of the Spirit; by J. O. A. Clark, D.D., LL.D. 10. German Socialism, Atheistic and Catholic; by J. C. Hinton, A.M.

UNIVERSALIST QUARTERLY, July, 1879. (Boston.)-1. The Ethics of Universalismi: by Rev. S. S. Hebberd. 2. Comparative Value of the Study of Mind and Nature; by S. L. Powers. 3. The Persian, Jewish, and Christian Resurrections; by Rev. A. G. Laurie. 4. The Realistic Features of the Bible; Professor J. S. Lee. 5. A Personal Devil-Does He Exist? by Rev. George Hill. 6. Evolution and Conscience; by Rev. T. S. Lathrop. 7. Universalism in Halifax; by Rev. Costello Weston.

NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW, July, 1879. (New York.)-1. Our Success at Paris in 1878; by Richard C. M'Cormick. 2. The Revolution in Russia; by A Russian Nihilist. 3. The Public Schools of England. Part II by Thomas Hughes. 4. The True Story of the Wallowa Campaign; by Gen. O. 0. Howard. 5. The Psychology of Spiritism; by G. M. Beard. 6. The Education of Freedmen. Part II: by Harriet B. Stowe. 7. Recent Essays; by T. W. Higginson. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW, August, 1879.

Since its new departure the NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW has called into its service a goodly number of the best intellects of the day in both England and America. It has filled a new position admirably by opening its pages to the expression

of a variety of opposing opinions. It thus furnishes an arena on which the great questions of the hour are discussed by our master minds. The Editor disavows responsibility for the varied views presented by his contributors, and acts with admirable skill as presiding officer over the scene of debate. In criticising, it may be sharply, the part played by one performer, we are, of course, in no way assailing the Review itself, or depreciating the ability of its manager.

In the number for August, 1879, our exceptions are taken to the indiscriminate eulogy on William Lloyd Garrison by Wendell Phillips. We wish not to detract a hair from Mr. Garrison's real merits. He had the courage of a hero and the faithfulness to his convictions of a martyr. He and his associates were efficient awakeners of the public mind to a topic of vital moral and political importance. But he was not qualified for a leader, and by his unfitness for that post the great body of true antislavery men in Church, in State, in private life, stood apart from him. His rhetoric in his younger days was coarse and blatant. His invectives against some of the best men of his day were purely ugly and malignant. Not to concur and co-operate with him and his little coterie was to be pro-slavery, and to be pro-slavery was to be all sorts of a rascal. In his "Liberator," as a small specimen, he once charged a professor in the Wesleyan University with an intention to procure the assassination of George Thompson, the English lecturer. Mr. Phillips defends his antics and frantics by pronouncing them the necessary faults of a great reformer. Well, Wesley was a great reformer, yet had no such faults. And certainly those faults of Garrison must be taken into account in a true summation of Garrison's character, and they greatly qualify Phillips' overdrawn eulogy. Those faults furnished the reason and the justification for thousands of true antislavery men from accepting such a character for a leader, or consenting to affiliation with his co-operators.

Mr. Phillips ratifies the statement that "Garrison made Lincoln possible." Indeed! We suppose that Mr. Phillips cherishes the ocular illusion that Mr. Garrison and his aids really overthrew slavery. There are many who imagine that he at least inaugurated a successful reform. The real truth is, the Garrisonian spirit maddened the South and hastened the war. When the FOURTH SERIES, VOI, XXXL-49

war pressed hard emancipation was proclaimed; and the man who abolished slavery was no abolitionist, would have snubbed Mr. Garrison through his whole career, and was to the last an unchanging colonizationist. The possibility or probability of a Lincoln and a war emancipation did not depend upon Mr. Garrison. The elements of a sectional conflict existed without his hastening hand; and whenever that took place, emancipation would have followed. When in earlier days South Carolina verged toward treason there was an Andrew Jackson; and had the South followed lead and risen in rebellion, a war emancipation by the unshrinking hand of Old Hickory would have rendered both Garrison and Lincoln impossible. But nullification backed down; Calhoun went unhung; the war was left to a later day, and emancipation to a feebler hand.

There seems to be a new enthusiasm in the hearts of a certain class of thinkers, on occasion of Mr. Garrison's death, to make him a blacking-swab to spread a deep and general nigritude over the Christian Churches of our country. That class includes as leaders Mr. Phillips, Oliver Johnson, and George William Curtis. We scarce know how to designate this class inoffensively; we may not call them, ambiguous as is their position, semi-infidels, semi-Christians, or rationalists. But as most of them are believers in God, and profess a very super-Christian philanthropy, which they freely show off in disparaging contrast with the short-comings of the Christian Churches, we will style them, euphoniously, theophilanthropists.

We esteem Mr. Curtis, of the Weekly Harper, to be a rare model of a secular and political editor. There is, perhaps, not one in the whole profession who more unites an inflexible maintenance of the high standard of right with a true unvarying spontaneous courtesy. We think that the most enviable point of his life was the hour when he stood the torrent of obloquy poured upon him from the mouth of the haughty political machinist of New York; an hour in which he bore vicariously the blows which we and every advocate of a parer style of politics bore in his person. But we do not admire his share in using Garrison as a standing obloquy upon the Churches who did not affiliate with him. He discusses the insult offered by Wendell Phillips to an orthodox Church lent to him for the purpose of honoring the departed hero in the following words: