XXII. 1786. as to overcome the spirit and prejudice of party, BOOK and create an unanimity of sentiment in persons who more, he was sure, from accident than inclination were so frequently of different opinions." The bill finally passed with great and deserved approbation; all intelligent persons throughout the kingdom perfectly concurring in the senti ments expressed in the recent report of the commissioners of public accounts upon this subject. "This debt (say these impartial and faithful reporters) is swelled to a magnitude that requires the united efforts of the ablest heads and the purest hearts to suggest the proper and effectual means of reduction. A PLAN must be formed for the reduction of this debt, and that without delay: Now is the favourable moment of peace. The evil does not admit of procrastination, palliatives, or expedients. It presses on, and must be met with force and firmness: what can be done, the support of public credit, the preservation of national honor, and the justice due to the public creditor, demand should be done. It MUST be DONE, or SERIOUS CONSEQUENCES will ensue.' Notwithstanding the acknowledged necessity of King' debts a fit time œconomy in every department of government, it discharged. is grievous to relate, that even before the SinkingFund Bill passed into a law, a message from the KING to the house of commons was delivered by the minister, stating, "that it gave him great con BOOK cern to inform them, that it had not been found XXII. 1786. POSSIBLE to confine the expences of the civil list within the annual sum of eight hundred and fifty thousand pounds, now applicable to that purpose. A farther debt had been NECESSARILY incurred, and the king relied on the ZEAL and AFFECTION of his PARLIAMENT to make provision for its discharge." In support of the motion grounded on this message, Mr. Pitt stated, "that under Mr. Burke's Reform Bill an annual reduction of fifty thousand pounds from the civil list had been set apart by parliament for the liquidation by instalments of the sum of three hundred thousand pounds, then issued in Exchequer bills for the supply of former deficiencies. Of this debt one hundred and eighty thousand pounds yet remained unpaid, and a fresh debt of thirty thousand pounds had accrued: and he rested the necessity of a grant equal to these united sums upon this perplexing dilemma: Either parliament had at the period referred to, directed that, when the proposed liquidation should be effected, the civil list should be allowed fifty thousand pounds per annum more than was necessary, or it was then put upon a footing of fifty thousand pounds per annum less than was necessary. Experience had proved the latter to be the case; and therefore it was reasonable to expect that the sum of two hundred and ten thousand pounds, now XXII. wanting to clear off the old and new incumbrances, BOOK would be voted without hesitation." In reply to Mr. Pitt's courtly logic, it was obvious to observe, that the parliament which fixed the expenditure of the civil list at eight hundred and fifty thousand pounds, until the debt previ. ously contracted should be liquidated, thought it at least POSSIBLE that the DIGNITY of the CROWN might be sufficiently sustained without passing the prescribed limits; and it was by a very peculiar sort of reasoning that the actual transgression of a law was urged as affording of itself an adequate and satisfactory proof of the necessity of the transgression. It might even perhaps occur to some of the members, however indecorous the mention of it in a parliamentary debate, that the executive government of the republic of America was supported, without any apparent forfeiture of DIGNITY, at less than one FORTIETH part of the expence. This demand was the more extraordinary, as the king in his speech from the throne at the opening of the session, December 1782, had said, “I have carried into strict execution the several reductions in my civil list expences, directed by an act of last session; I have introduced a farther reform in other departments, and suppressed several sinecure places in them. I have by this means so regulated my establishments, that my 1786. BOOK EXPENCES SHALL NOT IN FUTURE EXCEED MY XXII. 1786. INCOME. No attempt being made to repeal that clause in Mr. Burke's Reform Bill which regulated the expenditure of the civil list, it was urged to be very extraordinary, while that bill remained in full force, to come down in the face of an act of parliament, and call upon the house to vote money for the debts of the crown. It is almost superfluous to say, that all the arguments offered on this head proved a mere waste of words, and that the money was ultimately voted. This species of parliamentary bubble is a royal practice and privilege of very ancient date The KING shall pass his HONEST WORD; The chancellor make a speech; The pawn'd revenue sums afford; And then come kiss my DRYDEN. It is related of Francis I. king of France, that upon using to one of his courtiers-a man of honour-on some occasion, his usual asseveration " Foi de Roi!" he perceived marks of manifest incredulity on his countenance. On which he gra ciously repeated "Foi de gentilhomme!" and the courtier declared himself satisfied. The Huguenots negotiating with the famous Catharine of Medicis insisted on security for their rights and immunities; and many methods being proposed and rejected as inadequate, the queen at length angrily said, “ Is not the word of a KING a sufficient security?" One of the deputies with quickness replied, "No, by St. BARTHOLOMEW madam." XXII. 1786. Motion of Lewes for a Many petitions were presented during the ses- BOOK sion for the repeal of the odious tax upon retail shops; and a motion was formally made by sir Watkin Lewes, member for the city of London, sir Watkin for that purpose, without effect, though it was repeal of the somewhat mitigated by a reduction of the rates. In this business Mr. Pitt shewed a degree of perseverance bordering upon obstinacy, which it had been surely better to have reserved for a more important occasion. Mr. Fox acutely remarked on the subject of the proposed alterations, "that the greater part of Mr. Pitt's arguments had been intended to prove that the tax was not personal; and that it must find its level and fall upon the consumer. If this were true, what was there to recommend his modifications? He had stated, that he would take off or diminish the portion of the tax paid by the poorer class of shopkeepers, which would considerably exonerate that description of persons. Of what would it exonerate them; of the burden borne by the consumer? Giaring indeed was the inconsistency of his actions, when compared with his arguments." shop-tax. attempt for An attempt was also made by Mr. Pulteney, Humane supported by many respectable members of the the relief of house, to explain and amend the act of the last and pedlars. session, relative to hawkers and pedlars; and par ticularly to repeal a most detestably oppressive hawkers |