BOOK ness or in the rulers' insolence, I leave to impartial history to determine."* XXIV. 1790. Undoubtedly the point which Mr. Burke, in his successive publications, has with most plausibility and force contested, is that which relates to the submission due from the minority to the will of the majority of the members of a civil community. Unless a nation be self-governed, neither civil nor political liberty can, in a clear or proper sense, be said to subsist. And this seems to imply, that all the members of a community have an equal inherent right of suffrage, as to all questions which concern the body politic-and that the opinions of the majority should invariably prevail. Theoretically speaking, this is indeed a just and noble principle, and exhibits the most perfect model of civil society: but then this principle is so ill adapted to the actual situation of things, and to the imperfection, not to say the corruption and depravity, of human nature, that it can only be assented to, in practice, in a very qualified sense, and with numerous and important modifications. Hence arise the capital difficulties which occur, in treating on the science of government. It would be the highest extravagance to maintain that the majority have a right to dispense with the eternal laws of equity or justice; or that the few are bound, by any ties of political morality, to submit to the tyranny of the many. It would be also equally absurd to affirm, that all the members of a community, in every possible state of society, are qualified to exercise the right of suffrage. Government is founded on the basis of utility, and its powers must be limited by, and made commensurate with, its purposes. If the minority are in actual possession of the constituted authorities of government, and if they have good ground to believe that they cannot be safely transferred to the majority, they are perfectly justified in withholding them-still XXIV. 1790. Pernicious conse quences of the Reflec From the date of the fatal publication of Mr. BOOK Burke, who seemed ambitious to signalize himself by setting not merely a palace or a temple, but the world itself on fire, the nation was divided and fatal into two violent and openly hostile parties. The Tory faction, which had hitherto scarcely dared to whisper their dislike-now, under the sanction of Mr. Burke's authority, became bold and clamorous in their vociferations. And the principles advanced by Mr. Burke, ever grateful to the ears of princes, at once obliterated all past offences, considering themselves as fiduciary trustees, who have no right to retain the monopoly whenever it becomes safe to surrender it. But who, it may be asked, is to be the judge when the minority may exercise exclusive power, or when, supposing their exclusion from power, they may justly refuse submission to the will of the majority? To this, no other answer can be given, than that the minority themselves, and each individual included in it, must, in all the vicissitudes of situation, act according to the dictates of their own understandings. In such cases, it is in vain to search for any precise rule of judgment or of action. He who opposes the will of the majority of a community doubtless takes upon him to do that which very weighty and important reasons only can justify. He incurs at the same time a great risk, and a great responsibility. But to deny the right, in an abstract or modified sense, because it is liable to abuse, would be preposterous, and must tend to confound all moral and political distinctions and limitations. Upon this principle the Huguenots of France would be criminal in having recourse to arms, after the massacre of St. Bartholomew; and the Moriscoes of Spain would merit punishment by resisting the horrible edict of expulsion. tions. BOOK and placed him in the foremost rank of favorites and courtiers. XXIV. answered Paine. 1790. This extraordinary production gave rise to Reflections numberless replies, of which by far the most me. by Thomas morable was that written by Thomas Paine, the author of the famous pamphlet styled COMMON SENSE, which, by its almost magical effect on the minds of the people of America, at a most important crisis, paved the way for the declaration of independency. His present work, RIGHTS OF MAN, was written with no less power of intellect and force of language, and made a correspondent, perhaps an indelible impression upon the public mind. Not content with pointing out and exposing with the most sarcastic severity the absurdities and misrepresentations of Mr. Burke-not content with painting in just and striking colors the abuses and corruptions of the existing government—he with daring and unhallowed hand attacked the principles of the constitution itself, describing it in terms the most indecent, as radically vicious and tyrannical; and reprobating the introduction of aristocracy or monarchy, under whatever modifications, into any form of government, as a flagrant usurpation and invasion of the unalienable rights of man. A few detached quotations from this famous publication may serve as specimens, to gratify curiosity, of the wonder-working power with XXIV. 1790. which it cannot be denied to have been written. BOOK "The countries of the Old World have been long harassed by the quarrels and intrigues of their governments. Age after age has rolled away for no other purpose than to behold their wretchedness. Invention is continually exercised to furnish new pretences for revenue and taxation;-it watches prosperity as its prey. All monarchical governments are military-War is their trade, and plunder their object-Wearied with human butchery, they sit down to rest, and call it peace. If we would delineate human nature with a baseness of heart and hypocrisy of countenance that reflection would shudder at and humanity disown, it is kings, courts, and cabinets, that must sit for the portrait. War is the pharo table of governments, and nations the dupes of the game. Government on the old system is an assumption of power for the aggrandizement of itself on the new, a delegation of power for the common benefit of society. Monarchy is the master-fraud which shelters all others. By admitting a participation of the spoil, it makes itself friends; and when it ceases to do this, it will cease to be the idol of courtiers. There is a morning of reason rising upon man on the subject of government, that has not appeared before. The trade of courts is beginning to be understood; and the affectation of mystery, with all the artificial sorcery XXIV. 1790, My BOOK by which they imposed upon mankind, is on the decline. It has received its death-wound; and though it may linger, it will expire. No question has arisen within the records of History, that presses with the importance of the present. It is not whether this or that party shall be in or out; or Whig or Tory, or High or Low Church, shall prevail; but whether man shall inherit his rights, and universal civilization shall take place.-When it shall be said in any country in the world, poor are happy, neither ignorance nor distress is to be found amongst them-my gaols are empty of prisoners, my streets of beggars—the aged are not in want, the taxes are not oppressive—the rational world is my friend, because I am the friend of its happiness'-when these things can be said, then may that country boast its constitution and government. When we survey (says this temerarious writer) the wretched condition of man under the monarchical and hereditary systems of government, dragged from his home by one power, or driven by another, and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies, it becomes evident that those systems are bad, and that a GENERAL REVOLUTION in the principle and construction of governments is necessary." Wonderful effects of Paine's pamphlet. a This pamphlet unfortunately appearing at time when a large proportion of the community, and those the most zealously attached to liberty, |