BOOK nest language the abolition of that iniquitous and inhuman traffic. XXIV. 1792. Mr. Wil On the 2d of April (1792) the house resolved berforce's itself into a committee on the slave-trade, at the tion of abo- instance of Mr. Wilberforce, who moved, at the second mo lition. close of a very able speech, a second time the question of abolition. Mr. Wilberforce declared, "that from his exertions in this cause he had found hap piness, though not hitherto success. It enlivened his waking and soothed his evening hours, and he could not recollect without singular satisfaction that he had demanded justice for millions who could not ask it for themselves-AFRICA! AFRICA! (he exclaimed with passionate emotion) your sufferings have been the theme that has arrested and engages my heart. Your sufferings no tongue can express, nor no language impart." Mr. Wilberforce was powerfully supported by many of the most respectable members of the house; amongst whom Mr. Whitbread particularly distinguished himself by the energy and animation of his remarks. "It was the necessary quality of despotism (he said) to corrupt and vitiate the heart: and the moral evils of this system were still more to be dreaded than the political. But no mildness in practice could make that to be right which was fundamentally wrong. Nothing could make him give his assent to the original sin of delivering man over to the despotism of man It was too degrad XXIV. ing to see, not the produce of human labor, but BOOK man himself, made the object of trade." In consequence of the ardor displayed by the nation at large in this business, it was at length determined partially to concede what it was now become difficult, perhaps dangerous, wholly to withhold. Mr. Dundas, advanced to the dignity of secretary of state by the resignation of the duke of Leeds-and the organ of the interior cabinet in the house of commons-now therefore, after a plausible speech recommending to the house the adoption of a middle and moderate plan, such as would reconcile the interests of the West-India islands with the eventual abolition of the trade, thought proper to move that the word "gradual" might be inserted before "abolition." Mr. Pitt, who had invariably supported the measure of abolition, not as a minister merely, but, to appearance at least, as a man feeling for all mankind, declared his decided disapprobation of the amendment proposed by his right honorable friend; and, in a speech fraught with argument and eloquence, conjured the house not to postpone even for an hour the great and necessary work of abolition. "Reflect (said Mr. Pitt) on the 80,000 persons annually torn from their native land! on the connections which are broken! on the friendships, attachments, and relationships, that are burst 1792. BOOK asunder! There is something in the horror of it XXIV. 1792. that surpasses all the bounds of imagination. How shall we repair the mischiefs we have brought upon that continent? If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we refuse even now to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the guilt of Britain! Shall we not rather count the days and hours that are suffered to intervene and to delay the accomplishment of such a work? I trust we shall not think ourselves too liberal if we give to Africa the common chance of civilization with the rest of the world. If we listen to the voice of reason and duty, and pursue this night the line of conduct which they prescribe, some of us may live to see a reverse of that picture from which we now turn our eyes with shame and regret. We may live to behold the natives of Africa engaged in the calm occupations of industry, in the pursuits of a just and legitimate commerce. We may behold the beams of science and philosophy breaking in upon their land, which, at some happy period in still later times, may blaze with full lustre; and, joining their influence to that of pure religion, may illuminate and invigorate the most distant extremities of that immense continent. Then may we hope, that even Africa, though last of all the quarters of the globe, shall enjoy at length in the evening of her days those blessings which have XXIV. descended so plentifully upon us in a much earlier BOOK period of the world Nos primus equis oriens afflavit anhelis; "In this view, as an atonement for our long and 1792. conduct of But these resolutions were fated to meet with Insidious a very cold reception in the upper house, and from the house a large proportion of their lordships a most determined opposition. As this was a favorite measure of lords. BOOK with the nation, and had indeed been supported XXIV. in a peculiar manner by the voice of the people, they 1792. were highly and justly offended to see the duke of Clarence, third son of the king, commence his career of public life with a violent declamation against the abolition, and invective against its advocates, whom he falsely and foolishly represented as actuated by the spirit of political and religious fanaticism. With a view to protract, and, if possible, to dismiss the business, the lord chancellor moved, "that evidence be heard, not before a select committee, according to the proposition of lord Grenville, but at the bar of the house." This was seconded by lord Hawkesbury, the well-known and inveterate enemy of the abolition; of whom it has been affirmed with the utmost bitterness of sarcasm, that, in despite of the habitual fraud and falsehood of his character, he is earnest and sincere in his contempt of virtue and hatred of freedom." The motion being carried, the house slept over the business during the remainder of the session. The majority of the peers were with indignation perceived by the zealous friends of the abolition, to be decidedly hostile to the measure. It afforded indeed a reflection shocking to humanity, to see men upon whom providence had lavished its choicest favours, who possessed all that the earth traversed from pole to pole could furnish to render existence delightful, eager to |