declared to his intimate friends, "That, in all the anxious moments of his public life, every care vanished when he entered his own house."

Mr. Burke's first known publication, although not immediately known, was his very happy imitation of Bolingbroke, entitled, "A Vindication of Natural Society," in 1756, 8vo. To assume the style and character of such a writer, who had passed through all the gradations of official knowledge for near half a century, a fine scholar, a most ready speaker, and one of the best writers of his time, was, perhaps, one of the boldest attempts ever undertaken, especially by a young man, a stranger to the manners, habits, and connections of the literati of this country, who could have no near view of the great character he imitated, and whose time of life would not permit of these long and gradual experiments by which excellence of any kind is to be obtained. Burke, however, was not without success in his great object, which was to expose the dangerous tendency of Lord Bolingbroke's philosophy. When this publication first appeared, almost every body received it as the posthumous work of Lord Bolingbroke, and it was praised up to the standard of his best writings. "The critics knew the turn of his periods; his style; his phrases; and above all, the matchless dexterity of his metaphysical pen and amongst these, nobody distinguished himself more than the veteran of the stage, Charles Macklin, who, with the pamphlet in his hand, used frequently to exclaim, at the Grecian Coffee-house,-where he gave a kind of literary law to the young Templars at that time,-"Oh! Sir, this must be Henry Bolingbroke: I knew him by his cloven foot." The public critics at length discovered the imitation. We are told, that Lord Chesterfield and Bishop Warburton were at first deceived. This proves the exactness of the imitation; a more attentive perusal discovered the writer's real intention.

The next production of Burke's pen was, "A Philosophical Enquiry into the origin of our ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful," in 1756, 8vo., which soon engaged all readers who had the least pretensions to taste or science. Beside possessing novelty of opinion in many particulars, this book attracted by its style and ingenuity of reasoning: every body read it; and even those who could not assent to many of the general principles, concurred in praising the author for talents of a very extraordinary kind. A criticism on it, ascribed to Johnson, but really written by Mr. Murphy, concludes in the following manner: "Upon the whole, though Upon the whole, though we think the author of this piece mistaken in many of his fundamental principles, and also in his deductions from them, yet we must say, we have read his book with pleasure. He has certainly employed much thinking: there are many ingenious and elegant remarks, which, though they do not enforce or improve his first position, yet, considering them detached from his system, they are new and just. And we cannot dismiss this article without recommending a perusal of the book to all our readers, as we think they will be recompensed by a great deal of sentiment, perspicuous, elegant, and harmonious style, in many passages both "sublime and beautiful!"

Some time after this, Burke, who had devoted much of his time to the study of history and politics, proposed to Mr. Dodsley, the plan of an "Annual Register," of the civil, political, and literary transactions of the times; and the proposal being acceded to, the work was begun, and carried on for many years, either by Burke himself, or under his immediate inspection, and was uncommonly successful.

The celebrity of such works soon made him known to the literati; amongst whom were George Lord Lyttleton, the Right Honourable William Gerald Hamilton, Dr. Markham, Archbishop of York, Dr. Johnson, Sir Joshua Reynolds, and many other eminent characters, who were proud to patronize a young man of such good private character, and such very dis tinguished talents. It was in consequence of these connections that we soon after find Burke in the suite of the Earl of Halifax, appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, October 1761. Here, by his talents, as well as by his convivial and agreeable manners, he made himself not only useful at the castle, but renewed and formed several valuable acquaintances.

Before he left Ireland he had a pension settled on him, on that establish ment, of £300 per annum, which was obtained through the interest of the Right Honourable William Gerard Hamilton, the Official Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant. Report said at the same time, that Burke had obliged Mr. Hamilton in turn, by writing that celebrated speech for him, which,as he had never afterwards spoken another of such consequence, procured him through life the name of "Single speech Hamilton." The connection, however, between these gentlemen did not last very long; for a few afterwards, on some political contest, Mr. Hamilton telling Burke, as coarsely as it was unfounded, "that he took him from a garret," the latter very spiritedly replied, "Then, Sir, by your own confession, it was I that descended to know you."-He at the same time flung up his pension; and a coolness ever after subsisted between them.

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Burke's fame as a writer was now established; and what added another wreath to his character were some pamphlets written before the peace of 1763. These introduced him to the acquaintance of Mr. Fitzherbert, father of Lord St. Helens; a gentleman who esteemed and protected men of letters; and who possessed, with a considerable share of elegant knowledge, talents for conversation which were very rarely equalled. Through the medium of Mr. Fitzherbert, and owing to some political Essays in the "Public Adver tiser," he became acquainted with the Marquis of Rockingham, and Lord Verney. Soon after his acquaintance with the former nobleman, a circumstance took place which gave this nobleman an opportunity to draw forth Burke's talents. The administration formed in 1763, under the Honourable George Grenville, becoming unpopular, from various causes, his majesty, through the recommendation of his uncle, the Duke of Cumberland, appointed a new ministry, of which the Duke of Grafton and General Conway were Secretaries of State, and the Marquis of Rockingham first Lord of the Treasury. In this arrangement, which took place in 1765, Burke was appointed private secretary to the Marquis, and soon after, through the interest of Lord Verney, was returned one of the representatives in parliament for the Borough of Wendover in Buckinghamshire. On this, he prepared himself for becoming a public man, by studying still more closely than he had yet done, history, poetry, and philosophy; and by storing his mind with facts, images, reasonings, and sentiments. He paid great attention likewise to parliamentary usages; and was at much pains to become acquainted with old records, patents, and precedents, so as to render himself complete master of the business of office. That he might communicate without embarrassment the knowledge which he had thus acquired, he frequented, with many other men of eminence, the Robin Hood Society; 'and, thus prepared, he delivered in the ensuing session his maiden speech

which excited the admiration of the house, and drew very high praise from Mr. Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham. The proceedings of the administration with which Burke was connected, belong to history; and it may be sufficient here to notice, that the principal object which engaged their attention, was the Stamp-act, which had excited great discontent in America. Mr. Grenville and his party, under whose auspices this act was passed, were for enforcing it by coercive measures; and Mr. Pitt and his followers denied that the parliament of Great Britain had a right to tax the Americans. By Burke's advice, it is said, the Marquis of Rockingham adopted a middle course, repealing the act to gratify the Americans, and passing a law declaratory of the right of Great Britain to legislate for America in taxation, as in every other case. Such a measure argued little wisdom, the repeal and the declaratory act being inconsistent with each other. The ministry were therefore considered as unfit to guide the helm of the great empire, and were obliged to give way to a new arrangement, formed under the auspices of Mr. Pitt, then Earl of Chatham. This change created a considerable deal of political commotion; and the public papers and pamphlets of the day turned their satire against the newly-created Earl of Chatham: they charged him with weakening and dividing an interest which the public wished to be supported; and lending his great name and authority to persons who were supposed to be of a party which had been long held to be obnoxious to the Whig interest of the country. Though these charges were afterwards fully refuted by the subsequent conduct of the noble earl, the late ministry were entitled to their share of praise, not only for being very active in promoting the general interests of the state by several popular acts and resolutions, but by their uncommon disinterestedness; as they shewed, upon quitting their places, that they retired without a place, pension, or reversion, secured to themselves or their friends. This was a stroke which the private fortune of Burke could ill bear; but he had the honour of being a member of a virtuous administration; he had the opportunity of opening his great political talents to the public; and, above all, of shewing to a number of illustrious friends,-and in particular the Marquis of Rockingham-his many private virtues and amiable qualities, joined to a reach of mind scarcely equalled by any of his contemporaries.

In July 1766, Burke, finding himself disengaged from political business, visited Ireland after an absence of many years; and he renewed many of those pleasing friendships and connections which engaged the attention of his younger days. He returned to England towards the close of the year; and, finding a strong opposition formed against the Duke of Grafton, who was sapping the spirit and force of those resolutions passed under the late administration, he threw himself into the foremost ranks, and there soon showed what a formidable adversary he was likely to be. The opinion which Burke had of the Grafton administration, is thus humorously described by himself. After paying many merited eulogiums on the character of Lord Chatham, he claims the freedom of history to speak of the administration he formed, and thus proceeds :-"He made an administration so chequered and so speckled; he put together a piece of joining so crossly indented and whimsically dovetailed; a cabinet so variously inlaid; such a piece of diversified Mosaic; such a tessellated pavement without cement; here a bit of black stone, and there a bit of white; patriots and courtiers; king's friends and republicans; whigs and tories; treacherous friends and open enemies;-and that it was

indeed a very curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch, and unsure to stand upon. The colleagues, whom he had assorted at the same boards, stared at each other, and were obliged to ask, Sir, your name?-Sir, you have the advantage of me-Mr. such-a-one-Sir, I beg a thousand pardons.'-I venture to say, it did so happen that persons had a single office divided between them who had never spoken to each other in their lives, until they found themselves, they knew not how, pigging together, heads and points, in the same truckle-bed."

An administration, of which he had this opinion, was not likely to proceed uncensured; particularly when his favourite Repealing-act "began to be in as bad an odour in the house as the Stamp-act had the session before." Other revenue acts following this, called out the force and variety of his talents; and the house began to perceive, that to whatever side this young statesman threw in his weight, it must add consideration and respect to his party.

The session of 1768 opened with a perturbed prospect. The distresses occasioned by the high price of provisions, the restraining act relative to the East India company, the nullum tempus bill, and other matters, afforded great room for discussion, in which Burke took a part, which not only shewed the powers of his eloquence, but the great resources of his information. He was soon considered as the head of the Rockingham party in the House of Commons; and his great assiduity in preparing business for discussion, joined to his powers of speaking and writing, fully qualified him for this character. In his speeches there was something for every mind to be gratified with, which has often been exemplified even by those who disliked his general politics.

The parliament being dissolved in 1768, Burke was re-elected for Wendover. The opposition to the Duke of Grafton's administration consisted of two parties, that of the Marquis of Rockingham, and that of Mr. Grenville, but these two parties had nothing in common except their dislike of the ministry. This appeared very strikingly in a pamphlet written by Mr. Grenville, entitled, "The present state of the Nation," which was answered by Burke in "Observations on the present state of the Nation." One of the first subjects which occupied the attention of the new parliament, was the expulsion of Wilkes for various libels, and the question, whether, after being so expelled, he was eligible to sit in the same parliament. Burke, on this occasion, endeavoured to prove, that nothing but an act of the legislature can disqualify any person from sitting in parliament who is legally chosen, by a majority of electors, to fill a vacant seat. All that followed, was the expulsion of Wilkes during the present parliament, without argument or enquiry, in order to gratify those constituents who soon after rejected Wilkes with unanimous contempt.

The proceedings on this question gave rise to the celebrated letters of Junius, which appeared in the Public Advertiser, and had been preceded by many other anti-ministerial letters, by the same writer, under other signatures. They were at that time, and have often since been attributed to Burke; in a conversation with Dr. Johnson, he however, spontaneously denied them, which, as the Doctor very properly remarks, is more decisive proof than if he had denied then as being asked the question. About this time Burke published "Thoughts on the public Discontents,' a pamphlet from which they who wish to establish "a consistent whole" in Burke's conduct, divine some of their proofs.

In 1770, the Duke of Grafton, unable to resist the opposition within and without doors, resigned, and was succeeded by Lord North, whose measures Burke uniformally opposed, particularly on the great question agitated, and measures adopted with regard to America. So determined was he in his opposition to that minister, as to ridicule the proposition for a repeal of the obnoxious laws of the preceding administration, retaining only the duty on tea, as a mark of authority of parliament over the colonies. The most brilliant of his speeches were made in the course of this disastrous war, during which, although the attempt has been made, we are totally at a loss to reconcile his principles with what he adopted on a subsequent occasion. It must not be omitted, that his opposition to government continued after all Europe had leagued against Great Britain, a conduct consistent enough with the character of a partizan, but which has little in it of true independent patriotism.

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Much of Burke's ardour in the course of this long political warfare has been thus accounted for by his old friend Gerard Hamilton. Whatever opinion Burke, for any motive, supports, so ductile is his imagination, that he soon conceives it to be right.' Burke's judgment, had he given it full play, would have rendered him an oracle, to whom all parties would have been glad to appeal but his political attachments were unfortunately strong while they lasted, and not unmixed with ambition, which frequently brought the independence of his character into suspicion. No opinion was ever more just than that of his friend Goldsmith, that Burke "gave up to party, what was meant for mankind."

In 1772 he took a trip to France, and while he remained in that country his literary and political eminence made him courted by all the anti-monarchical and infidel philosophers of the time. That he saw in the religious scepticism and political theories of Voltaire, Helvetius, Rousseau, and D'Alembert, even at that period, the probable overthrow of religion and government, is not surprising, for these consequences were foreseen, about the same time, by a man of less discernment, and of no religion, the late Horace Walpole, Lord Orford. About this time he supported a motion for the relief of Dissenters, and in the course of his speech called the toleration which they enjoyed by connivance, "a temporary relaxation of slavery," a sort of liberty"not calculated for the meridian of England."

In 1774, a dissolution of parliament took place, and Burke was returned one of the members for Malton; when, just as he was sitting down to dinner with his constituents, after the election, an express arrived from Bristol,consisting of a deputation of some merchants,-informing him, that a considerable body of the citizens of Bristol, wishing, at that critical season, to be represented by some gentleman of tried abilities and known commercial knowledge, had put him in nomination as one of their candidates, and that they had set off express to apprize him of that event. After acknowledging the high honour, and thanking the gentlemen for their zeal and assiduity in his favour, Burke returned into the room where his Malton constituents were about sitting down to dinner, and told them the nature of the express he had just received, and requested their advice how to act. He observed, "That as they had done him the honour of thinking him worthy to be their member, he would, if it was their wish, endeavour to support that station with fortitude and integrity; but if they thought the general cause on which they were all embarked could be better assisted by his representing the city of