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Ginkel at this time acted, writeing to Dublin, and also to London that he was uppon the point of concludeing a treatye with O'Donel : and understanding the success of the siege of Sligo, and that the surrender was approved by Lord Lucan, he wrote to the conductor of this party, without pretending to know he was retired, to take possession of the fort, pursuant to the agreement made and approved by the Lieutenant-Generall Lucan; and that he need not be in any apprehension of O'Donel's men, because of the suspension of armes, and the good intelligence there was between them, which made him think he would assist to make the fort surrender father than oppose it.

Uppon this advice the English Commander marched straight with his regiment to Sligo, summoning the governor to surrender according to capitulation.

The governor and the officers of the garrison, knew not what to resolve, and sought for O'Donel, who still continued in their neighbourhood, to observe the motions of the enemye, and declared to him they could not refuse to surrender, unless he woud stand by them, in maintaining the capitulation was void, by his succouring of the place; he frankely promised them he woud. And accordingly the English commander was answered.

But this gentleman perceiring his first attempt had proved unsuccessful, demanded a conference about the matter, wherein takeing O'Donel aside, he acquainted him with what his generall had written; and therefore hoped he woud not oppose the execution of the capitulation. O'Dont 1 answered, that a suspension of arms was indeed agreed upon, but nothing else. And therefore be coud not agree to what he proposed. This commander finding this second attempt also likely to miscarrye, endeavoured privately to make a division among them, insinuating to the officers who had made the agreement, that O'Donel had already made his terms with Generall Ginkel; but notwithstanding all his intrigues, he missed of his end, and was forced to return as wise as he came.

This piece of craft of the English commander, and what General Ginkel had published, spred about the report O'Donel had capi. tulated, altho' in reality to that time he had agreed to nothing, but a bare suspension of arms. However, his enemyes took froin this a new occasion of continuing and augmenting their calumnies against him, whilst at the same time, those who actually owed him the benefit of their preservation, did not cease to bless and pray for him, as the saviour of many thousands of familyes who must infallibly have perished, if he had not taken the course he did.

At this time O'Donel received an account that Lymerick was for certain besieged; that our army was not in a condition to defind it; that the general succours of which wee were all put in hopes from France, were very uncertain, or in reality little or nothing; that the squadron of vessels from thence, which hovered in the river, had brought no men, arms, provisions, or ammunition: out on the contrary seemed onely intended for the transport of troops, which were projected to be carryed into that kingdom, uppon surrendering up that town, and the remainder of the country not possible to be any longer defended (as some great men had given out) against an enemie so strong and so victorious.

This relation, added to the proposition before made him of a capitulation, seemed to make him sensible the critical time was come, wherein he was to justify himself with those who depended of him, and that he was now or never to resolve what part he would take, since by the real situation of things, if he waited never so little longer, they must be reduced to a state of despe. tation, and all the poor people under his care be totally ruined and extirpated.

These considerations obliged him to send for the chief officers of his Brigade ; to whom he proposed two things:

The first, that there was nothing more glorious, more honorable, or more just than to dye for the faith, for the king, and for the country. Protesting at the same time, that if they would so relve, he would stay with them to the last breath, tho’ they should be obliged to live as bandits amongst the mountains.

The second, that if they approved not of so great and generous a resolution ; it was necessary in the present juncture and circumstance of affaires to think of the best measures, for their common safety. Adding the above-mentioned reason for making the propositions, but he quickly perceived this was altogether needless, since the proposalls were no sooner made, than they began to whisper among themselves what answer they shoud 'make, the

public circumstances of the kingdome being no secret or mystery even to the meanest or most ignorant of them.

After some hours' discussion of these two points they could not come to any fixed or unanimous resolution ; all were sensible it was necessary to resolve : But they were divided opinions ; some were for joyning the army; others were for living peaceably as they did before the warr, with security not to be molested for life, liberty, or estate: others declaring they had now no more left to loose, nor any vocation to follow but the sword, and lookeing uppon O'Donel to be in the same circumstances with them, they would follow him wherever he would go.

Seeing them so different in their opinions and resolutions, he told them it was impossible to satisfye them all; but he would do his best to content the greatest number. And presently wrote to Generall Ginkel to send a person to some fronteer place sufficiently authorized to treat and conclude with him uppon articles.

As soon as he had dispatched away the messenger, he went to Castlebarr, where he had left his brother; ordering some of his Brigade to quarter thereabouts to cover the place ; whilst others went about the contry to fetch in provisions.

At Castlebarr he received Generall Ginkel's answer : And thence went to the place where he was to meet the person appointed to treat with him. After some debates, they came to an agreement; by which he hoped, and expected to content all his party.

Of which the first article was a general pardon and amnesty for all things past to that day : That all his people should have free leave to go to those parts of the kingdom, where they dwelt before the warr, or to any other place they liked better.

The second a liberty for all that would, to joyn the army, and for himself to form a Brigade of two regiments, consisting of 3000 men, to serve in Flanders,

Haveing ended this negociation, he mett on the way uppon his return, a courier from the Major of his Brigade giveing him an account: That severall officers with their men were in a mutiny, induced thereunto by some officers of the garrison in Sligo; be. leeving they should make themselves remarkable by this action ; and that some had proposed the surprising and disarming his own regiment, as being the strongest and best armed; and that they had resolved to lye in ambush on the way he was to come back, to seize, or perhaps to kill him.

But he despised this danger, as he did several others, building uppon the justice of his proceeding: and not doubting, but this mutiny would be appeased uppon his shewing the before mentioned articles ; by which they would see his whole aim was,

that all in general should in time find a sure refuge, and every one in particular a means of following his own opinion without danger,

He continued his way to the very mutineers' camp, where all things fell out just as he imagined, for all were well satisfyed, when they found themselves gratifyed in their distinct and severall ideas. These, who were desireous to joyn the army, separated themselves from the rest : for whom he ordered a provision of cows, and a free pass to march to the body of the king's forces at Lymerick.

Thise who chose to return to their home had a general and particular protection : and some of them a convoy or guard, to prevent their being plandered or ill-treated on the road, as severall of the keeriaghts were that put themselves under the protection of others, who besides the third part of their cattle, which they gave to the enemie by way of composition, had the remainder taken from them in the Larrisons thro' which they past, for opposing of which violence many also lost their lives.

Such as declared they would live and die with O'Donel, incorporated themselves in his regiments. And thus were all things settled to the satisfaction of every body; except those who had fomented the mutiny.

Within a few days after the militia from Dublin and Ulster besceged Sligo, which presently surrendered, and immediately after Lymerick capitulated with the remains of our broken army. And thus was ended this unhappy war,

Hereuppon the natives, who had been cooped up in a corner of the Province, began to dilate themselves in this and other parts of the kingdom. O'Donel's Brigade had quarters assigned them, according to the capii ulation. And he himself went to Dublin and afterwards to London.

This capitulation was debated before the councill, where it was resolved, that he and his officers must take the test: but this being contrary to their religion, two other things were resolved on ; first, that he should have assigned him in Ireland 500 pounds sterling a-year, as equivalent to the command of Brigadeer. Next that his Brigade should be formed into one Regiment for the Emperor in Hangary, of which he should have the com. mand. But this he refused because he designed to return to the service of Spain ; and uppon this occasion he was in London in the beginning of the year 1692, where le continued so long ill, that he was not able all that year to leave London. The following year he went into Flanders, and was sent from thence into Pied. mont; where he served the rest of that campagne and allso the following one, till the year 1695, when he got a regiment of foot, which he carryed into Catalonia ; where he continued to serve till the conclusion of the peace, after that he went to the court of Madrid, where he was made Major-Generall of the army in Flanders, where he is now in the exercise of that command.

I believe, Sir, I have now fully satisfyed your curiosity, and hope you will draw from this narrative the same consequence that I have done. And to the end you may do it with less trouble : you will, I hope, give mee leave, to end this long letter partły with a short recapitulation, and partly with a small digression, wherein I will bring down against this nobleman, all that his most irreconciliable enemyes have laid to his charge. And at the same time shall refute all their objections by evident and undeniable answers and reasons.

The first calumnny was his being sent from Spain as a spy, to give an account of the interest and affaires of Ireland to the king's enemys.

The falsity, the malice, and the folly of this calumny is so great that it must needs fall to the ground of itself. For none but a man without common sense, can beleere so chymerical fiction as this ; which is wholly founded uppon the wickedness of the first inventors, which I will prove to you in three instances,

In the first place, it is not to be beleeved that a councill so renowned all over the world for prudence, point of honour, and circumspection, as that of Spain, should send such a man as O'Donel, who was a Colonell in their army, very much esteemed by that nation, and respected, not onely being cheefe of his family, but also for his own personal merit, with so unbecoming a commission, and so unnecessary, at a time (as all the world knows) that the Prince of Orange knew all that past in that kingdom better than many that sate at the helme of the government. For, besides the emissarys he had in court, the country was all over spread with protestants, who were wholly in his in. terests, and who gave him an exact account of everything, even to the smallest circumstance.

The second : That it ought not to be beleered, that a person who had so well established his reputation as O'Donel, had done among a people so jelous of the points of honor, as the Spaniards are, wonld undertake so unworthy and degenerous an employ. ment, as that of a spy. But supposing, as these detractors do, that he could be capable of so mean an action, and so contrary to the allegiance he always professed to his natural soverain, is it possible, as they would persuade us, that he could be so great a fool as to take that course? when he might have gone directly to London, with his Catholic Majesties recommendations, and by this more honorable method have put himself in a way push his fortune more easily without giveing any wound to his honour. No, no, beleeve mee, he wants neither good sense nor good pirts. It is therefore to be presumed that he who began so early, and so basely to calumniate and traduce him, woull after. wards leave no stone unturned to rob him of his reputation, and perhaps also of his life.

In the third place, is it to be imagine l by any man in his witts, that had he undertaken so base and ignominious an employinent, he would have lett slip the generall faire opportil. nityes he bad of doing the service it required? Why did he, after he had raised so extraordinary a number of men, guard severall passes on the Shannon into Connaght the first campigne, and not betray any one of them into the enemys hands, his supposed frienils ?

Or why did he not join them in the next campagne, considering how greatly he was provoked by all the ill-treatment and disubligations he had received from the Duke of Tyrconnel ?

Either of these two things would fur certain have ruined all the Kinges aff.ires in Ireland.

But after the warr was at an end what needed he to have taken all the pains he did to reingratiate himself with the court of Spain, and recover his for.ner post or favour, by serveing first as a volonteer in Flanders, afterwards in Piedmont, and last of all at Barcelona ? To one in his pretended circumstances all this time, and labor of 5 or 6 years must have been spent very fool. ishly, when he might have gone directly to Madrid, and there have received the reward of bis honorable undertakeing, and faithfull discharge of his trust. But indeed, Sir, this was not O'Donel's case, he went away privately out of Spain into Portugal (where, in a printed manifest, he gave the court of Madrid the reasons of bis withdrawing), full of zeal and resolution to serve his own king and contry, and not by the consent or order of that court to serve them as a spy or traitor. But to insi:t longer on this cleer and self-evident matter would be indeed to hold a candle, not to the moon, but to the sun at noonday.

The second objection, that he was the cause of the loss of Gallway, which he might have succored, and would not, a thing most demonstratively false, as every man must be obliged to ac. knowledge, that knows the contry, and the avenues to this city, as well as every other desinterested person that will but examin the maps, the enemys expedition, the place where O'Donel was the time he received his orders for succoring the town, and the haste he made to arrive there in time.

The enemye beat our army on Sunday, and on Munday began their march for Gallway, where their advanced-guard arrived on Thursday. On Fryday they seized on all the posts. towards Aghrim, and on Saturday of all the passages towards Yerber, connaght, so that it was impossible on Thursday to get in of Aghrim side, or on Saturday on that of the other.

On Munday, after the battle, O'Donel was with a small party of his men at Casingstown, who for the greatest part thought of nothing but securing their familys and their cattle. They did not know the army was routed, but when he had the account of it the afternoon, he applyed himself wholly to execute the orders he had received to retire and cover the natives.

On Tuesday he received anew, from Lieutenant Generall Lucan, the order he had sent him before to that purpose.

On Thursday O'Donel received a letter from Monsieur d'Usson, ordering him to come into the town with all the men he could get together, and then it was not possible for him to enter by the way of Aghrim, and therefore he intended by that of Yerherconnaght.

That very day he received the second letter from Monsieur d'Usson, he was useing all the diligence possible, of which you have already had an account, and which was as much as could have been done, had he commanded a body of regular troops. But it proved ineffectual because the enemy had been from Satur. day master of the passage.

He that considers how many days must be spent in marching a body of men, that of necessity must pass over severall foords, march thro' woods, and mountains to the place, from whence the letters or orders for it, were a comeing by an express for two dayes and a half, will easily conclude it was morally impossible for him to make more hasté than he did, of which you have before had the account.

Those who knew the contry cannot but agree, that the road of Yerherconnaght, besides the length of the miles, is the most troublesome and uneasy of all the roades of Europe. And that one must either pass the river, or to avoid it make a great circuit another way; and, at the same time, there were but two little boats to cross it, of which the biggest could carry but ten men at a time. They must also allow, that the passage on Aghrim and Yerherconnaght sides being seized on, there was no possibility of getting into the town without a battle.

But to cut short, and come to the matter of fact. Suppose that on Thursday, when he received the orders, that he had 10,000 men, of old troops, and well disciplinel, and had im. mediately marched away, it would have been impossible for him to get in without fighting, and beating up one of the enemys quarters; he could not gett in on the Aghriin side, because that post was that very day in the enemys hands. If he went on Yerherconnaght side he could not possibly arrive there before Munday or Tuesday, because of the distance and the bad way;

nor cou'd he then have got in, the enemys haveing possessed themselves of that passage on the Saturday before.

From all these arguinents and reasons, which are matters of fact and demonstrative, I do infer, as every unprejudiced person must, that O'Donel could not do more than he did (for in three dares time you see the enemy had seized on all the posts), and that it was impossible for bim to arrive time enough to succor the place, so that you cannot but own this peece of calumny as false and malitivus as the former.

But for a further proof, I would have you take notice, that it is most certain that Generall Ginkel was on Munday after the battle called for to Galway, and that the reason of the great speed he made on his march was to secure all the posts, haveing been well informed of all things by those who sent for him. Of which you may assure yourself, one was, that O'Donel had offered to go into Galway with his men ten days before, and was refused. But this notwithstanding he must be counted a traytor now, because he did not succuur it when it was impossible for him to do it, and that besides the town had already capitulated.

The third objection is, that he had himself capitulated; this tho' it be not false, is yet very unjust. For every capitulation is in its own nature indifferent, and that which makes it good or bad most be the motives, and the manner or form of the capitulation.

Of which, that you may the better judge, I will give you a full account. O'Donel was detached from the army above three score miles; and all the country was possessed by the enemy; he had no strong place, ammunition, or provisions; the hopes of the greatest part of the people he commanded were but to lead the life they did before the warr, and they were more desirous to preserve their cattle, than consume them, insomuch that to command them was impracticable.

He was surrounded by an armed enemy, that plundered on all sides, to avoid which danger, the natives had closed them. selves up in so narrow a compass, that if they should have stayed there one month longer, they must have perished for want of pasture for their cattle, and subsistence for their familyes, and all of thein were out of hopes of being succorred by the army, because of its weakness and great distance, and its want of all necessarys.

This manner of capitulateing (as already said) was to provide for the sererall interests of his people, leaveing a way open for every one to do better for himselfe, as time and occasion should offer.

The end he proposed, was the safety of his men, according to the orders given him; and to do the king all the service he could, liy preserveing as many of them, as at present in the desperate condition of a faires, were unwilling to joyn the king's army at Lymerick. So as that they or their children might hereafter be able and ready upon the first occasion to sacrifice their lives and fortunes anew for the inierest of his Majesty. And as for the others he was so farr from hindering their zeal of going to Lymerick, that he particularly provided in the capitulation a clause for the free passage of all guch as were desirous to joyn the army, and over and above ordered them a subsistence of cattle for their march.

You cannot, Sir, but consider that his motives were pressing and irresistible; that the form and manner of reconcileing so many different interests and opinions were laudible ? and that the end was just, honorable, and loyal, without concluding impartially that this objection was very foolish and injust.

There is another thing objected against him, ariseing out of this capitulation ; that be joyned the enemy's army, contrary to the service of his king, in which you may perceive a great deal of malice and sophistry. For it is evident that the actual service of the king was at an end since the fortune of warr and other necessitys made those in power give up the kingdom to the eremys: and by consequence the subjects might without staining their honour, or loyalty, or acting against his Majestye's service, make the best terms they could for themselves with the conqueror.

This is of itself so plain and undeniable a truth, that I need not go about to prove it by the two following undeniable reasons or instances.

First, the king permitted severall of those that followed him into France, to return to their own home, which they would not have desired, nor his Majesty allowed, if that could have blemished their loyalty or prejudiced liis service

VOL. I.

The next is, that if his not comeing into France with that part of the army that did, be concluded an act of infidelity ; then all the good subjects that remained in Ireland, as well as in his Majestye's other dominious, ought to be branded for this crime: which I am persuaded the most malitious detractors will not have the impudence to affirm.

But this does not hinder those men from being extreamly com. mended and applauded; whose zeal made them sacrifice all to follow his royal person, and serve in the army of his most Christian Majesty, from whose great magnanimity and heroic soul, together with the glory of his conquering arms, it would be i crime, nay, almost a sin, not to hope for the re-establishment of our good and gracious master.

O'Donnel, as well at least as others, might have hoped for some advantages from that voyage, which he would have un. dertaken, if some reasons, which he ought to prefer to his couvenience, had not made him decline it.

For in Ireland he had nothing to lose. In France, morally speaking, he amongst others of his country, could not well miss of some handsome establishments; he had served longer than many, and could have carried with him a good number of men ; he wanted not witt to foresee these advantages, nor was be so much a philosopher as not to desire to mend his fortune. But I will ingenuously tell you why he took the course he did.

He was bred in the service of Spain, where his family, and severall of the other most illustrious familys of Ireland had served above 100 years. He was considered, and very much valued in that court, and yet his zeal and loyalty for his own natural king made him quit all and go and engage in the war of Ireland. But this war being at an end, and by consequence his master's service in that country for that time, he was obliged either to go into the service of France with his countrymen, or into that of Spai., where he had been before.

Every man living must painly see, that if he had gone into the service of France, at that time in war wi h Spain, he had been wanting to his honour, and must have pass.d in the opinion of all the world for the most ungrateful and most unworthy of

I am so sensible of the etficacy of this reason, that I am very confident the French theinselves, at that time enemys, but allways passionat lovers of honour and stedd ness, will applaud his resolution, when they consider the justice of the motives that obliged him to take it.

Yuu see now what hindered him from going into France; and induced him to joyn the enemy, who being in alliance with Spain, afforded the sifest and shortest way to return to the service of his Catholic Maje ty.

In the last place, they object his be'ng a pensioner of England, which carryes with it an air of rancour, malice, and jealou-y; for it is of public notoriety, that the 500 pounds a year assigned bim in Ireland, was in compensation of the post of Brigadeer, which he was to bave had by his capitulation. Beside, what crime is it, I pray, for a man in the service of the allies to receive from them a gratification Services and r'wards being in military discipline mutual and ind.spensable relatives or consequences of each other.

And by this time, Sir, I do not doubt but you will think I have said enough, to make you understand the different interests of our native country, and the proceeding of O'Donel, both in and since the late war was ended. If you really are as great a lover of justice and reason as you pretend to be, I am persuaded you will not onely be satistied with his conduct; but also justify it to others, as I hope all will do that shall examen and seriously weigh the circumstances I have here faithfully and impartially set down. As for the rest, whose malice and ill-nature cannot be wrought uppon by reason or truth, I leave them to time, and a better judginent, and am not solicitous what they shall think or say. O'Dnel will be still O'Donel; valued and respected wherever known for his courage, probity, sincerity, and other good qualitys; and though being a mortal he cannot be out of the reach of inalice: yet, I can assure you his envious detractors will allways do themselves much more mischeef than ever they can do hiin. To one that has put me uppon it, there needs no apologie for the length of this letter, and therefore I will unely tell you without ceremonie, I am yours, &c."

Bilbao, the 23d of August, 1701.

men.

A Thesis on Natural Philosophy defended by Dominic O'Conor, and printed on a silk handkerchief, dated at Salamanca, 1672, (now in the posses-ion of Denis O'Conor, Esq., of Mountdruid, in the County of Roscommon), is prefaced with the following dedication to Hugh Balldearg O'Donnell :

PRÆ TANTISSIMO VIRO GLORIOSIS STEMMATIBUS EXIMIE CORONATO PERILLUSTRI MOECEXATI maiorum suorum forinæ ful. giro egregie exornato præclarissimo Heroi nitido sui generis splendore pervenuste condecorato magnanimo et excellentissimo domino ac semper domino meo Hugoni Ottonello comiti Tyrconellensi atque baroni Leffeyrensi (Liffordensi]; in corpore militari Catholicæ maiestatis exercitus, fortissino duci ac tribuno strenuissimo; magnorum principum Ultoniæ (qui pro orthodoxa fide in Hybernia viriliter propagnanda et Lutherana hæresi profliganda propriis expensiz ipso Romano Pontifice Urbano Octavo contes. tante diuturno quindecim annorum bello sagitare potuerunt armatos impietatis defensores et sexaginta millium hereticorum internecione mærentis religionis lacrymas consolari) carissimo atque fælicissimo nato; Nobilissimo postero exantiqua et clara Hybernorum regum stirpe originem ducenti; piis progenitorum suorum vestigiis summo cum studio apprime insistenti eorumque præclara gesta atque gloriosa facinora fidelissime æmulanti : huic ergo tanto equiti hos limpidissimos rivulos Philosophiæ Naturalis ex perenni mirificæ doctrinæ præceptoris Angelici fonte copiose et foeliciter emanantes astricto consanguinitatis vinculo iteratisque beneticiis ductus offert suus semper frater.

DOMINICUS Ocoxor,

[The Will of Iugh, Earl of Tirconnell, commonly called

Balldearg O'Donnell.] In the name of Almighty God, Amen.

Be it known unto all men, that whereas I, Hugh O'Donel, Earl of Tirconel, born in Dunegal in Ireland, and respectively the true son of the late John O'Donel, and Catherine Rorke, his lawful wedded wife, am now in this capital, and about to set out soon for Catalonia, as Captain of Cava'ry in His Majesty's Fervice; and moreover, in consideration that in future it may perhaps not please God to allow me an opportunity to declare my last will, and that at present I am of sound and good understanding, I have resolved within myself, previously confessing that I believe all what the H. R. Catholic Church commands to be believed, and in this belief will live and die-to draw up my will and testament regular form, under the protection of the Queen of Angels, and to her and her dearest Son's honour.

I declare therefore, hereby command and order, that all the following be observed and fulilled as my last will.

Firstly, I bequeath my soul to God, our Lord, who created and redeemed it, and my body to the clay out of which it was formed.

Whenever it shall please God to call me from this life, my body shall be buried in the nearest monastery of the Order of our II. Father St. Francis, clad either in the military uniform, or for want thereof, with the habit of the said Order, or else in the nearest parish, if there should be no such monastery at hand in the place.

After my funeral, the expenses thereof shall be immediately defrayed, my debts liquidated, and there shall be read for the good of my soul one thousand masses or more, according to the means left for that purpose.

But from this there shall first be taken one thousand dollars, which are to be distributed as alms among poor widows, orphans, and religious of both sexes, and among reduced nobility, as I have already more particularly arranged with Mr. Patrick Adsor, whom, from a friendly feeling and confidence, I have named as my executor of this my last will and testament.

I humbly beg of his Catholic Majesty, Charles II. (whom God protect), that in consideration of the important services rendered by my ancestors to his, namely, Charles V. (I.), Philip II. III. and IV., he will reward my heirs, kinsmen, and creditors, as also for the good of my soul he will cause any balance of pay due to me, to be delivered to my executors, in order to liquidate any debts I may have contacted in his service. Out of the abovementioned sum I will that a Seminary of the Society of Jesus shall be founded for twelve students, who shall live there, and be instructed to preach the Gospel in Ireland.

I therefore beg of the King's Majesty, and of his Holiness the Pope, that they will grant the necessary permissions for the erection of this seininary in this capital. The aforesaid Order and my heirs shall have the management of this seminary, and the latter as pitrons, shall have the right of choosing and noininating the students who are to be received in it; further particulars are to be found in the Charter of the House, which I here refer to.

To any one wbo, according to establis':ed custom, may expect a legacy from me, I will an alms of 4 reals (10d.), and with this cut them off from any claim they might bare on my goods.

In case I should leave no lawful issue, I name Mr. Con. aldus O'Donel, my brother, as heir to my house and fortune ; and in case he also should die without lawful male issue, Mr. Dominic OʻDunel, shall, after him succeed in the possession of my inheritance, or his lawful sons, namely, Jessrs. Hugh, John, Helenus, Michael, and Daniel O'Donel; and in case they should leave ni legitimate male issue, it is my will that my sister's child, Mr. Emmanuel O'Donel, and his lawful heirs should succeed to them; and in case they shall leave no lawful male issue, my property shall go to any person who can legally prove him: If next of kin, descending in a direct male line, and bearing my name.

Of all that may remain of my free possessions, as well as of my claims of what His Majesty owes me, and other claims and rights I am entitled to, and that might yet come to me in whatever manner, after paying and fulfiling all that is directed in this my testament, I name my soul as universal heir of, and will that my executors shall apply it, in the best manuer they shall think fit, for the good of my soul, and they shall not be interfered with or prevented by any temporal or spiritual authority.

In order that everything I have regulated up to this, or that else might yet be found as necessary, shall be fulfilled and paid, I name as executors to my will, His Grace Oliver Plunket, Arclibishop and Primate of all Ireland, the Earl of Tiron, Mr. Conaldus O'Donel, my brother, Mr, Cornelius Linche, the above. named Mr. Patritius Adsor, and Mr. Ferdinand O'Brien, all of whom collectively, and each in particular, I invest hereby with (perfect) and full power, such as I have it myself, and such as by right or law it is required and necessary, in order that, immediately after my death, they may, firstly, take possession of my goods or estates, incomes, rights, and claims of whatever may come to me, as well by legal right as by generosity, from His Majesty, his paymaster.general, his other paymasters, and from other pri. vate persons (in whatever manner they may give it, or should be obliged to do so); secondly, reclaim and receive without exception and limitation, anything that is due to me, and with the amount they can thereby produce, fulfil and pay, for the easing of my conscience, what is contained in this my will. I particularly invest the above-named Mr. Conaldus O'Donel, my brother, and Mr. Patrick Adsor, (they having a more particular knowledge of my affairs and business matters, and who, in regulating the same, will employ themselves with all love and diligence), and this power shall continue to last. even after the expiration of one year, and as long as sball be necessary.

I hereby revoke and declare null and void, all and every will and codicil,&c., I have ever before made in whaterer manner, and I will that only this present one be valid, which contains my last will.

Done at Madrid, this 9th day of April, 1674, in the presence of the witnesses thereto asked, namely, of the priest, the Rev. Bernardo Verni, Mr. Eugene O'Neil, Mr. Antonio de Capudia, Colonel Ludovigo Ramos, and Francesco Tamayo, all of whom reside at Madrid, and are known to me. Which I hereby make known and sign,

The EARL OF TIRCOXEL Done in my presence. JUAN GARZIA DE VEGA. I, the above-named Garzia de Vega, notary of our lord the king, was present, and for greater security and law have sealed and signed it.

(S.V.) JUAN GARZIA DE VEGA: [Order of the King of Spain to restore to the Count or Earl of Tyrconnell his company in the Spanish service, 27th January, 1679. ORIGINAL ENDORSEMENT, Madrid, 27th January, 1679. The King's orders to the General (Duke of Bourno. nuile) to restore the Count of Tyrconnell to a troop of horse, No. 12]The King.

Most illustrious cousin, Duke of Bournonuile, my Minister of War, my Lieutenant and Governor-General in the principality of Catalonia, in the counties of Rousillon and Cordania, and Captain General of the army, having for the motives which you will see in my despatches of the 30th ulto , resolved that the Count of Tyrconnell should have the troop of horse which he commanded in our army, (and from which the Count of Monterrey removed him) again restored or re-organized under his command; and the said Count, moreover, represent ng to me, that the division of Rousillon, whence the above troop must be re-formed, is to be quarter.d in Castile, I charge you with making arrangements in quarters for carrying into effect the tenor of the above resolution, an l with sending the required directions to the officer there commanding. Cunsidering, besides, the claims and services of the Count and of his house, I have come to the determination, that the self-same troop which he commanded before, be restored to him, and I commission you to carry these orders into effect, detaching the men from the several troops into which they may have been incorporated, in case They are still to be found, all, or the greater part of them, in the d vision of Rousillon ; but should they have been drafted into other divisions of the army, you will send, at the foot of the army list, " a note of individuals," to the end that it being known where they are stationed, they may receive orders to repair to the quarters of the Count, and be there re-organiz:d under his command. Giren at Madrid, 27th January, 1679.

Don Juax Anton10 LOPEZ DE CARALE.

A.D. 1680. Blank commission for a Captaincy in the HibernoSpanish regi nent of the Cuunt of Tyrconnell, 31st March, 1686–

cers of the same, to fulfil and execute such orders as you may give them in writing or by word of mouth, and that so long as you shall serve me in this manner, you are to receive 40 escudos, (scudi, crown-pieces) per month, to be well and truly paid to you, according to and in like mapuer as to the other captains who serve me in the aforesaid fl-et, for such is my will, and also that from the date of these presents, this order bear cffect in the General Control and Aullit office of the said fleet. I, Dox GABRIEL BERNARDO DE QUIROS.

Dune by order of the King, our Master. The Duke of Tyrconnell's commission to O'Donnel', 16th July, 1690.

Richard, Duke Marquesse and Earle of Tyrconell, Visct. Baltinglasse, Barron of Talbottstowne, Lord Deputy Genll and Genll. Governor of Ireland, and one of the Lords of his Maties. most honble Privy Councill in England and Ireland

To our trusty and well-beloved O'Donell greeting: wee reposeing, especiall trust and confidence in your Loyalty, courage, long experience and good conduct, doe by these presents constitute and appoint you to be Commandr. in Chiefe of five thousand men, to be raised forth with in this kingdome for his Maties service, who are to be regimented, and commissions prepared for theire ffield and inferior officers, according to such returnes as you shall from time give us.-You are therefore to take the said five thousand men into your care and charge as Commander in Cheife, and cause them to be duely exercised, and wee doe hereby command them to be obedient to you as theire Commander in Cheife, and you to observe and follow such orders and directions as you shall from time to time receave from us,or any other yor. superior officers, according to the rules and disciplin of warr, and in pursuance of the trust wee have hereby reposed in you.-Given at Limerick, the 16th day of July, 1690. By his Grace's command.

RIVERSTONE. Besides the defence above given, which, though ascribd to an Iri-h priest, was most probably written by himself, or at his suggestion, Hugh Balldearg O'Donnell wrote, while in Ireland, a very long and curious letter to d'Avaux, who had been Louis XIV.'s ambassador in Ireland with James II., from 1689 to 1690. It is entitled “ Memoiie donne par un homme du Comte O'Donnel à M. d'Avaux." It was printed in a very rare book, entitled "Negociations de M. le Comte D'Avaux, en Irlande, 1689-90," of which only twenty copies were printed, and the only one now known to exist, is in the possession of the Marquis of Abercorn. The object of this very curions letter or memoir was to show how very unjustly O'Donnell, and the old Ulster interest chiefly connected with him, bad been treated by the Duke of Tirconnell, băing himself of English descent; and it proves how particularly unfair such treatment was to the Ulstermen, who, in the course of the war, were by far the best soldiers in the land. The object of forwarding this memoir to d'Avaux, was to secure his interest in France for justic in the matters complained of.

The exact year of Hugh Balldearg O'Donnell's death has not been yet ascertained, but we may infer, from various circa mstances, that he died a Brigadier in the Spanish service, in the year 1703 or 1704, without issue. Seo Macariæ Ercidium, edited by J. C. O'Callaghan, Eq, note on Bildarrick O'Donell.

After his death, bis brother Connell O'Donnell, who was Lord-Lieutenant of Donegal, in 1689, was consi. dered, both at ho ne and on the Cintigent, as the head of the O'Donnell family, but of bis history very lit:le is

Don Carlos, by the grace of God, King of Castile, Leon, and Aragon, of the Two Sicilies, of Jerusalem, of Navarre, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca, Seville, and Sardinia, of Cordova, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, of the Two Algarves, of Algeciras, Gibraltar, of the Canary Islands, of the East and West Indies, of the Islands and Continent beyond the ocean, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, of Brabant and of Man, Count of Hapsburg, Flanders, the Tyrol, and of Barcebuna. Lord of Biscay and of Molina, &c., &c., &c.—Whereas the Count of Tyrconnell his offered to serve in my fleet with a regi. ment of infantry, to be raised in Ireland, on my allowing 35 Teals for every soldier, and upon other conditions unto him granted, and which conditions were communicated to the officers commanding my said fleet, by my despatch of the 22nd May, 1684, and whereas also, at the said date, there was forwarded to him the commission of Maestre de Campo (Colonel), and whereas it was one of the conditions aforesaid that there should be given to him 15 commiss ons for the like number of companies, reserying always to myself the right of disbanding such of them as on their arrival in my dominions might seem superfluous, and whereas it is fit that an officer of valour and experience be named Captain of one of these aforesaid companies : now, therefore, consi sering that these and other qualities are found united in you, as also bearing in mind how well you have served me on every occasion, and hoping that you will still continue so to do, I have deemed it well to choose and name you, as by virtue of these presents I do choose and name you, Captain of one of the aforesaid companies, to serve me in the same, in like form and man. ner as hare served me, can and ought to serve me, the other captains of the said fleet; -wherefore, it is my will that as soon as the said company shall be formed, you be admitted to rank and pay therein, by the officers of the fleet; and I charge the Count of Aguilar and Frigiliana, my chamberlain, and Captain-General of the said fleet, or such other officer as may be in command thercof, that so soon as you join the same, he give orders that you be adınitted to the pay, rule, and command of your company; and I moreover order the ens gn, sergeant, and other ofli

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