to hostilities. This judicious policy had the happiest effects. Rigaud returned to France; the men of colour laid down their arms; the authority of the blacks was peaceably acknowledged throughout the colony: they applied themselves to agriculture; the colony seemed for a moment to revive from its ashes: the whites were protected; even the men of colour, secured by the moral influence of the mother-country, breathed again, and began to repair their losses. The years 1800 and 1804, were two prosperous years for the colony; agriculture, laws, and commerce flourished once more, under the government of Toussaint; the authority of the mother-country was acknowledged and respected (at least in appearance); Toussaint regularly made a monthly report to the minister of marine.

The real views of the chiefs of the blacks could not, however, long remain concealed from the French government. Toussaint kept up a secret intelligence both with Jamaica and London; he was guilty of irregularities in his administration which could not be attributed to ignorance.

He had constantly eluded the reiterated order to cause to be inscribed in gold letters on the standards, these expressions in the proclamation of the First Consul:

"Brave Blacks, remember that France alone acknowledges your liberty."

When Admiral Gantheaume sailed from Brest at the beginning of 1801, with a division of troops under the command of General Sahuguet, he took on board a great number of blacks and men of colour, bound for Saint-Domingo. Toussaint appeared extremely uneasy about this: it was known that from that time he resolved not to suffer any French troops exceeding two thousand men to enter the colony; and to burn Cape-town if the army of Sahuguet should prove too strong for him to defend the town against it; but Admiral Gantheaume steered towards the Mediterranean-he was bound for Egypt.

The prosperity which the Republic enjoyed in the course of 1801, after the peace of Luneville, made it easy to foresee that England would soon be compelled to lay down arms, when decisive measures might be adopted with regard to Saint-Domingo. Two alternatives then claimed the consideration of the First Consul: the first was to invest General Toussaint-Louverture with the whole civil and military authority, under the title of governor-general of the colony; to intrust the command to the black generals; to consoli

date and legalize the regulations respecting labour established by Toussaint, which had already been crowned with the most brilliant success; to oblige the black farmers to pay a rent or acknowledgment to the ancient French proprietors; and to preserve to the mothercountry the exclusive commerce of the whole colony, by employing numerous cruisers to guard the coasts. The second scheme consisted in reconquering the colony by force of arms; in removing to France all the blacks, who had held commands superior to that of a chief of battalion; in disarming the blacks, securing their civil liberties, and in restoring the property to the colonists. Each of these projects had its advantages and disadvantages. The benefits of the first were palpable. The Republic would have an army of from 25 to 30,000 blacks, which would make all America tremble: this would be a new element of power which would cost her no sacrifice either of men or money. The old proprietors would, no doubt, lose three-fourths of their fortunes; but the commerce of France would lose nothing, as it would still enjoy the exclusive privilege. The second project was more advantageous to the colonial proprietors; it was more conformable to justice: but it required

a war which could not but produce the destruction of a great number of men, and the loss of a considerable sum of money: the opposite pretensions of the blacks, the men of colour, and the white proprietors, would always be an object of discord and embarrassment for the mother-country; Saint-Domingo would always be in jeopardy. Accordingly the First Consul inclined to the former scheme, because it appeared to him most consistent with true policy, and most conducive to the influence of his flag in America. With an

army of from 25 to 30,000 blacks, what might he not undertake against Jamaica, the Antilles, Canada, the United States themselves, or the Spanish colonies? With such important political interests, could the difference of a few millions more or less of revenue to France be placed in competition? But such a project required the concurrence of the blacks; it was necessary that they should evince their fidelity to the mother-country, and to the Republic which had conferred such benefits upon them. The children of the black chiefs educated in France, in the colonial schools instituted for this purpose, daily strengthened the ties which connected these islanders with the mother-country. Such was the state of Saint

Domingo and the policy adopted by the French government towards it, when Colonel Vincent arrived at Paris. He was the bearer of the constitution which Toussaint-Louverture had adopted of his own mere authority, which he had caused to be printed and put in execution, and which he now notified to France. Not only the authority, but even the honour and dignity of the Republic were outraged by these proceedings. Of all possible ways of proclaiming his independence, and unfurling the flag of rebellion, Toussaint-Louverture had chosen the most insulting, and that which the Republic could least submit to tolerate. From that moment there was no longer room for deliberation: the black chiefs were ungrateful and rebellious Africans with whom it was impossible to establish any system. Both the honour and the interest of France, required that they should be effectually humbled. Thus the ruin of Toussaint-Louverture, and the misfortunes which afflicted the blacks, were the effects of that rash step, which was doubtless prompted by the English, who had already foreseen all the reverses which they must ex-. perience, if the blacks should contain themselves within the bounds of moderation and submission, and attach themselves to the mo