nerously recognize the independence of these deluded people, or consent to abandon their oppression? No. They support the Ballot, they echo every lamentation of the sufferings of voters; they declare that this measure will ensure the abolition of all intimidation; but they resume the grand engine of their influence, the all-sufficient controul of their dependents-the Confessional. It matters very little to the priesthood of Ireland how soon the Ballot is legalized; nay, more, they are interested in its adoption, because at present the landlord in some cases has now a counter influence to their own, which would then be abolished. So long as the Irish poor are kept in spiritual bondage; so long as they trust to their priests for instruction, to their priests for advice, to their priests for a protection, so long must priestcraft possess the power to convince them that their vote imposes religious obligations, and is a talent for the use of which they must account in their confessions. At present, every sin, every crime against the laws of man, and every offence against heaven is acknowledged and avowed to the priest of his parish by each deluded victim of Romanism. The priest, consequently, has an influence resulting from the fear with which he is regarded as the only being to whom the deepest secrets of the breast some of them probably dangerous ones-have been revealed; and this influence naturally gives him a claim to future information and a power of extorting it. There never can be in these matters any half confidence; it is contrary to the principles of the human mind. The priests must either know all, or they must be throughout deceived. But the latter is not the case. The Roman Catholics really believe in the force of the absolution they desire, and they know that a full confession is the only way to obtain it. They tell every thing, hoping to be freed from all remorse, and wishing to be cleared of all the guilt that afflicts them. How, then, can it be supposed that a mere solitary vote will form an exception to the general rule, and be the only reserved secret, though it is that one in which the priests are most interested, and which they will take the greatest pains to learn? And if the votes of the ignorant are thus to be revealed, with views of obtaining blessings or with fears of maledictions, it is not probable that they will be calculated to excite censure, more particularly when all the influence of the landlords is withdrawn. The ballot, therefore, can make no difference to Popery-unless, indeed, it increase her power. It does not weaken her influence; it does not diminish her knowledge; it does not, therefore, give liberty to the voter. What, then, we repeat, is the amount of her concession? What is the value of her support? 2dly, Let us regard the Voluntary principle, to which Mr O'Connell and Archbishop M'Hale, with the rest of their faction, have formally given their adhesion. We frequently meet with declarations of those persons, and others of great authority among the Roman Catholics, in favour of Voluntaryism. They co-operate with Dissenters, they utter all the usual balderdash about "the secularizing of religion," and they clamour for the total separation of Church and State. But follow these Liberals elsewhere-follow them to Maynooth, where they receive grants from Government-to the Colonies, where they carry out the principle of an Establishment as far as they are able, and exist almost entirely on public support-it will be seen that their Voluntary principle has vanished, and that their zeal is displayed only in earnest endeavours to screw more and more from the Treasury and the House of Commons. Very recently an application has been made to Government for four more provincial colleges in Ireland, which are to be under Popish surveillance; and Maynooth has modestly added its claim for increased funds. Where, then, is the Voluntary principle-where is the spirit of Liberalism, which sends Mr O'Connell to Dissenting meetings against the Established Church? How does it happen that, with these proofs clearly before them, the Liberals still persist in abetting the Roman Catholics in their aggressions, and still affect to believe them sincere in their desire to establish the infidel principle that the State has nothing to do with religions, for that "all are alike right or alike wrong?" It must be quite evident to every one,. from the very necessity of the case, that Popery must be inclined towards an Establishment, when that Establishment can be her own, and that any opposition she may now display, either against the Church of England or the Church of Scotland, is designed to overthrow them, not for the subsequent recognition of any fine crotchets like the Voluntary principle, but for the establishment of her own domination. It is not the principle of an Established Church which she opposes; no, rather she envies the opportunity others have of working on that principle; and she will oppose them, because, till they are conquered, she is unable to adopt it and bring it into action. then, again, we ask what concession Here Popery makes in her support of the Voluntary principle, while she acts directly contrary to her professions so far as she can, and while in all other countries where it is practicable to establish her hierarchy, she is peculiarly careful to do so? under these circumstances, is the And what, value of her support? Nothing, we are told, grieves the consciences of Roman Catholics more than tithes and church-rates. A Papist buys a piece of land or a house, subject to a certain rent-charge, and pays less than he otherwise would do, on account and in consideration of this incumbrance. But when he is peaceably in possession, lo! his conscience and his pocket are simultaneously afflicted he discovers that his rentcharge is to be applied to some purpose he disapproves (though he knew what it was when he promised to pay it), and then he magnanimously determines to keep the money claimed from him, delaring that it is all for the behoof of the Voluntary principle. It never occurs to him to give the money elsewhere, or to give somebody the difference which the rentcharge-call it tithe or church-rate or what you will-made in the price and value of his property. Oh no! he is opposed to the Church Establishment, he mourns over it as a direct contradiction of the text "My kingdom is not of this world," and he joins in agitating for the complete abolition of all endowments and preferences for one particular religion. All the time, however, he observes nothing wrong in the practices we have mentioned-in grants to May. nooth, in the payment of bishops and of priests in the colonies, or in the Establishment of Popery in Lower Canada, or the payment of the priesthood as suggested in Ireland, or in [Dec. the Establishments of France, Italy, Austria, and those other countries where Protestants are left without aid, if they are not depressed and persecuted. Such is Popish consist. Voluntary principle which ensures to ency; such is the adherence to the the Popish party in Great Britain, such favours from Liberalism. No to perceive, and no one with ordinary one with ordinary penetration can fail were triumphant she would establish candour will conceal, that if Popery antagonists by force. her religion, and probably crush her plain prospect before That is the present moment-a prospect which us at the will not deny. even many of Popery's auxiliaries this second instance of Popish Libe So much then for ralism, her support of the Voluntary principle. Thirdly, let us glance at education. one urging against Popery her former The common cant with which every deeds is now usually met, is the reference to her wonderful enlightenof her zeal for education. ment, in proof of which, we are told "Ye shall for mankind; be as gods," was the first snare laid "Ye shall be as gods," this promise is insinuated to all classes is the snare still. In specious accents of the people, their vanity, ambition, and hopes, are augmented by its effects, and a few disordered imaginations complete the triumph of the temptation by picturing in glowing colours the necessary advent of Utopian days of wisdom and virtue. thirst for information (we cannot call it knowledge), being thus excited, rapidly extends itself, and men well safident of their own powers, form tisfied with themselves, and fully conschemes for making this cold proba tionary world the fit residence of immortal creatures, desirous of being allured from all high aspirations by constant excitement, and by the enthralment of their sentiments and tions and objects. senses to attractive earthly specula A feverish Meanwhile, the mind effeminates, the faculties are great object of its apprehension-into an effectual means of extending its dominion. It joins with the infidel and liberal in advocating education joins with them because they too desire to exclude the Bible; and cooperates so zealously as to purchase their confidence, and secures a very large share of the management of the system. If human wit had applied itself for centuries to the discovery of a plan whereby Popery might be aided through the agency of those who profess to oppose it, no policy could have been suggested more successful and promising than this. Romanism now finds the mind of the population desirous only for that food which priestcraft is willing to supply; and finds the effect of that nutriment precisely such as it could desire. Thus it prevents a better system of education by undertaking to give its own; and gives that in exact accordance with anti-Protestant principles; and then, lastly, the experience of the operation of the plan proves that it must ultimately result in the very degeneracy of intellect and sentiment most earnestly sought as the basis for the propagation of its doctrines. It makes no compromise; sacrifices no principle; concedes no privilege; but contrives, nevertheless, in a Protestant country, to educate the people. We say in a Protestant country, because Ireland had, and in name, at least, still has, the vestige of a Protestant constitution, and the apology for a Protestant Government. And what Popery has succeeded in doing there, it now hopes to accomplish in England with like success. * The same sympathy exists here between the Liberal and the Papist; they agree in the same fundamental regulation for condemning the Bible, and giving only Popery's favourite parts, and then only in Popery's language, not according to the authorised version; they coincide in the view that the centralization principle shall be applied, and their unanimity is wonderful indeed, on the point of who are to constitute the metropolitan board. Let it consist, say they, half of Papists and half of Liberals-the Liberals half Papists, the Papists half Liberals; or better still, let all be selected from their indifference to every religion, with two or three exceptions of Jesuit prelates, no matter whether nominal Protestants or Roman Catholics. We doubt not that a very short time will witness this glorious consummation. We doubt not that England will be blessed as Ireland, and many of the colonies have been already, with a system of public instruction, which shall profess to offend the prejudices of none, by disregarding and deriding the prejudices of all. Well, then, we ask if this is not another edifying specimen of Popery's disinterested Liberalism, worthy to be ranked with the other cases to which we alluded? The object in view, undoubtedly, is not to enlighten but to degrade the mind, not to strengthen its powers but to impair them. But Liberalism of all kinds, Dissenting Liberalism, Infidel Liberalism, Psuedo Church Liberalism, laud with rapture Popery's condescension, and proclaim that there is nothing sinister in its purposes, or injurious in its plans. Excellent and accurate observers! discreet and invaluable guides! they love learning so much that they will use in its propagation even those who most fear, and have most strongly condemned it; they desire the improvement of the people so earnestly, that they intrust them to the priesthood who formerly debased them; they cherish enlightenment so sincerely that they trust for its diffusion to the men who for centuries kept Europe in bondage, by keeping its inhabitants in darkness, in ignorance, and in war. It must be evident that we could with ease enumerate and enlarge upon several more instances of Popish Liberalism, which stand the test as ill as these few specimens. We might show, for instance, how very considerate and obliging it was in the Irish Papists to vote for a Reform Bill which doubled their strength, and almost overwhelmed the opposing interest of property in that kingdom; we might prove how We refer, for proofs of these assertions, to the controversial correspondence between Archbishops Machale and Murray. The boasting admission of the latter, and the warm reiterations of those facts by his zealous assistant Mr Thaddeus O'Mally, are most valuable and instructive things which have yet been brought forward on ject of the Irish System of Education. VOL. XLIV. NO. CCLXXVIII. 3 A very self-denying it was in them to agitate against tithes, to oppose a poor law, to struggle for a repeal of the Union, to aid the Dissenters in the Prisons bill, in their London University project, and in their marriage bill.* There would be no great difficulty in illustrating our views from each and all of these points, and in proceeding farther to the enquiry how far Popery is displaying the same benevolence and magnanimity in clamouring for the reform of the Protestant corporations of Ireland, with a view-but, of course, that will be merely an accidental consequence to the establishment of Roman Catholic ones, prematurely named "Normal Schools of Agitation." But we believe that there is no necessity for pressing this matter farther at present, when there are other methods of proving it. We turn, then, to the page of history, that "old almanack," which is so sure a guide that it is an index to the hearts of men as they have been, and ever will, in all time; and which trumpets forth in thrilling tones the tale of misery, debasement, and woe, which is the record of Popish influence in Europe. We turn to that authority, and, passing over the lines engraved in blood, that speak of horrors, massacres, and persecutions, we seek for some traces of Popery's former liberalism. We seek not in vain. It was by pretending to liberalism, by assuming democratic principles, by inflaming and employing, in every species of excess, the ungovernable passions of the mob, that Popery quelled, conquered, and suppressed the Reformation in Poland. The Je suits then found themselves driven to the use of revolutionary expedients, and they used them to the ruin of the country, and the complete annihilation of its freedom. "The Protestant cause attained in Poland, in the course of half a century, such a degree of strength," says Count Krasinski, in the preface to his excellent work, recently published,† "that its final triumph over Romanism seemed certain. Yet, notwithstanding this advantageous position, it was overthrown and nearly destroyed in the course of another half century. This extraordinary reaction was not effected by the strong hand of a legally constituted authority, as was the case in Italy, Spain, and some other countries; but by bigoted and unprincipled faction, acting, not with the assistance, but in opposition to the laws of the country. Such an event is, perhaps, unparalleled in the annals of the religious world, and is the more remarkable, as the free institutions of Poland, which had greatly facilitated the progress of the Reformation, were afterwards rendered subservient to the persecution of its disciples. The Jesuits, who defended in that country the interests of Rome, being unable to combat their antagonists with fire and sword, adopted other measures, which inflicted on Poland more severe calamities than those which have been produced by bloody conflicts between religious parties. As the laws did not allow any inhabitant of Poland to be persecuted on account of his religions opinions, they left no means untried in order to evade these salutary laws; and the odious maxim that no faith * The following returns from the bill of mortality, &c., as published by the parish for 1837, will show the number of Catholic children baptized in the five Catholic churches in Liverpool : Grand total, 2917 which, according to ordinary computation, would make the Catholic population of Liverpool 87,500; but, owing to mixed marriages, it may be stated at 70,000-rather alarming news for the Reformation Society. The number of Catholic burials for the same period was 2625. "Historical Sketch of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of the Reformation in Poland." London; 1838. Murray. A work of considerable importance and merit, which we can heartily recommend to our readers. should be kept with heretics (hereticis non est servanda fides) was constantly advocated by them, as well as by other champions of Romanism in our country. But the most invariable and suceessful line of policy pursued by the Jesuits in Poland, was to agitate the lower classes by means of the confessional and the pulpit, and to ensure, by their intrigues with the higher classes of society, an impunity to the excesses which an infuriated mob committed, at their instigation, against the anti-Romanists." Yet these calamities, great as they were, may be considered as less disastrous than the moral effects produced by the withering sway which the disciples of Loyola exercised for more than a century over the national mind. They clearly saw that the surest means of extirpating Scriptural doctrines was to fetter the national intellect by a preposterous system of education; and they, consequently, introduced such a system into the public schools of Poland, which were, for a long time, exclusively conducted by them. This measure produced its natural consequences; science and literature were almost annihilated; and Poland, which had made rapid strides in every kind of improvement during the sixteenth century, instead of advancing, retrograded with equal rapidity. With the Reformation, we may add, departed Poland's glory, liberty, and all her hopes of future prosperity and advancement; and now she exists a monument of the success of Popish machinations, and a proof of the results of Popish liberalism. Nor does she stand alone. It was by an alliance with democracy that Popery in France triumphed over Henry IV., so that apostacy was the condition of his accession to the throne. The league was but a conspiracy of an oligarchy to play with the popular passions for their own selfish and sectarian purposes-and that conspiracy triumphed. The monarch was conquered, Popery was secured, and then, when all the intended objects were accomplished, when the mob were serviceable no longer, the crown and the victorious nobility and priesthood confederated together, crushed the people, and persecuted, or at least discouraged the Protestants, till at length, when the strength of those disciples of the gospel was sufficiently reduced, the mandate went forth for their banishment from their native shores. From that moment Louis XIV. saw his sun setting, and from that time the peace and power of France declined, till both vanished together in the tremendous convulsion of infidelity and revolution which shook the nation to her centre, and startled Europe from tranquillity and torpor. The system of policy which thus succeeded in Poland and France was found too promising to be confined to those countries. It is wellknown that in England the Jesuits came over with instructions to ally themselves with the disaffected, to push the reformation too far if they could not altogether abolish it, and to assist the non-conformists in their opposition to all the established forms of church government, endowment, and discipline. There was no treason to which they were not accessory; there was no plot of which they were not the authors; there was no complaint in which they did not join; there was no extravagance likely to grow popular which they did not direct and recommend. The whole reign of Queen Elizabeth was one continued struggle with these disguised domestic We do not at all desire to revive the old questions about the share of Popery in the origin of English dissent; but it must be evident that she had some part, and that not an unimportant one in it. How else could notions so absurd have been broached as gained credit, for a time, at the period in question? It is quite clear that some agency was at work to push the Reformers into extremes, and so make their folly its own refutation. What these extremes were it is not necessary to enumerate; many of them are forgotten, and the rest, if mentioned at all in these days, are, we believe, ridiculed and regretted by churchmen and dissenters equally. Yet they were important matters once with "tender consciences." Some were content to die, if there were need, rather than wear a surplice, or place the communion table at the end or side of the church; and even Richard Baxter, at a much later period, felt bound to write, in his preface to the first edition of the Saints' Rest," the republic of heaven," instead of the kingdom of heaven. |