supreme verity, that "the law of the Lord is perfect, converting the soul." Just as there is a timid class of theologians in perpetual alarm for the Bible, so there is a timid class of politicians in perpetual alarm for the British Constitution. This revolution sorely troubled them. Would not the existence of a republic so near our shores endanger the monarchy ? When first asked this question, I replied, "So far from that, nothing is so likely to cure all republican tendencies among our own people." Should the republic outlive twice ten years, each decade would give some proof of its inferiority to our own form of government, so forcible as to satisfy not merely the thoughtful, but even the least enlightened of our masses. existence of such a government beside our own, so far from tempting our people to try "Citizen O'Connor," or Citizen any one else, would lead them to sing more loyally than ever, "God save the Queen!"

The

As to the religious effects of this revolution. Two or three years ago the general aspect of Europe was unfavourable to religious liberty. In most of the continental countries, it was either extinct or in peril. We need not say that it had no existence in Russia, Turkey, Austria, or Italy. Spain was fresh from the expulsion of a Methodist missionary. Portugal was busily persecuting some of her subjects who had read the Bible, and who claimed to worship God by its direction rather than by the national law. Protestant Sweden had violently expelled a Methodist missionary. Protestant Denmark was labouring to extinguish a spark of evangelical life kindled up by the Baptists. The Protestant king of Prussia deemed it but just to his Roman Catholic subjects that he should place difficulties in the way even of the Bible Society. In Switzerland and France, religious liberty nominally existed. In these two countries it was perilled by two opposite principles; in Switzerland by democracy, in France by despotism. The Swiss populace had directed violent persecutions against all who would

not worship just according to the caprice of the mob. Louis Philippe, again, to conciliate the French priests, lent himself to their bigotry. Difficulties were constantly cast in the way of Protestant evangelists; many were publicly prosecuted; one Baptist chapel was kept closed for ten years; another chapel, built at Lyons a year before the revolution, was not permitted to be open till after Louis Philippe fell. So far had intolerance proceeded, that, shortly before the revolution, M. Hébert, the Minister of Justice, wrote to a consistory connected with the National Protestant Church, requiring them to censure M. Bost, an excellent pastor, because, forsooth, he had been sufficiently audacious to publish a pamphlet controverting the religion of the "majority of Frenchmen."

Taking Europe at that crisis, it seemed doubtful whether real freedom of conscience would long exist in any one of its nations. Now the change is great. In France, in Italy, in Germany, in Holland, and Denmark, the conscience of man is proclaimed free. We see upon the Continent a melancholy sum of disaster; Paris, Vienna, Rome, the intellectual, the political, and the traditional centres of the papacy, all held in a perpetuated spasm. We see trade stagnant, banks stopped, families ruined, populations starving, and men's hearts failing them for fear. But above the thick and stormy clouds, we see, rising in hope, the Bible free! At morning-tide, a hurricane may sweep the earth; may sweep till it levels the oak and strips the willow, till it demolishes the cot and shakes the palace, covers the city with ruins and the sea-shore with death. But, if just then the light of day is sent from heaven, it will pierce straight athwart the tempest and illuminate the earth. And though that storm may bear away many a ponderous thing, not one light sunbeam will it turn from its course. Then let that hurricane sweep over the nations of Europe. We grieve to see those perturbed cities, those aching hearts, those shattered fortunes, those multitudes left destitute.

But there is nothing eternal in all that.

On

the other hand, the light of a free gospel is dawning on those lands amid the storms, and in that there is eternal hope and promise.

May I be indulged for a moment to notice a lesson or two which this Revolution teaches. First, then, it proves that we greatly err when we speak of a class of our people who have nothing to lose by a revolution. What a class in existence who have nothing to lose by the cessation of confidence, the stagnation of trade, by disorder, bloodshed, and civil war! The class that loses most bitterly is that very class of which we speak as having nothing to lose. Let such a judgment as has overtaken France overtake us, and they that have much would lose much, but they that have little would lose all. Not a weaver in Lancashire, not a miner in Cornwall, not a collier in Northumberland, not a porter in the streets of London, not one of the lowest of your menials, or the most destitute of your paupers but would suffer, and suffer deeply. Every sweeper in your streets would find some good contributor who could contribute no more. Every beggar would find some kind hand empty. In such a season, they that lose most pinchingly are they from whom a little loss removes their all. Starvation then first enters those doors upon whose threshold he has stood even in prosperous times. Young men, remember this in your politics, that there is no class of British subjects, not even the paupers in your workhouses, who would not lose by civil war and civil disorder.

Another lesson is, gratitude for our own peace. And, oh! let not our gratitude be the mere exultation of national pride. The eye that has watched over us in this year of storms, does not expect to see in return a swelling of self-congratulation, but a throb of devout thanksgiving. God's hand has been in our preservation, and God should have humble praise. Yes, the moments of 1848 seem now to return around us, and, as every one presents itself spotted with the blood of a man, it calls

upon us to thank God that it is not English blood. Realize your mercies. Thank God that you have not seen the whole town bristling with barricades; that you have not seen Cheapside exchange the stir of commerce for the roar of cannon; that you have not seen men from Field Lane standing sentry at the Horse Guards; that you have not seen the peasantry of the Midland, Eastern, Northern, and Western Counties. coming armed to the teeth to meet men of London in deadly war. Thank God, that during the year no Sabbath has come, when, instead of the "church-going bell," you heard the murderous artillery; that, during the year, you have never in walking through the Strand had to choose your steps lest you should tread upon the blood of your fellow-citizens; that you have never once returned home to tell how many men you had seen shot before your eyes. All this has occurred in Paris, in Naples, in Vienna, in Berlin. It has not occurred with us. Oh let us from our hearts thank God. His mercy has guided our Government and people. We have reposed, while others bled. His goodness is over us still. That noble old structure which our fathers reared to shelter their liberties of body and soul; that brave old constitution is erect still, and under its shade we can each, according to his light, worship our Heavenly Father without any penalty, and work our secular purposes without any oppression.

The last lesson I would learn from all this is, the prime importance of a christianized populace. It is of necessity that information shall spread. As the people read more, they will take more interest in political questions, and move with greater intelligence and effect in public struggles. If their principles are left unformed by wise and religious training, they will be at the mercy of their own evil passions, and of turbulent leaders. Had not God favoured this country with a remarkable spread of Christian light and principle during the last century, who will venture to say that the revolutions of

this year would not have found our people in a condition that none of our statesmen could have controlled ? An unchristianized populace is perpetual danger. But imbue the whole population with Christian principle, and they will not rashly burst into civil war when they have rights to seek, they will be sought with calmness and dignity. Public order can have no security so effectual as the spread of real piety among the populace. Nor can the populace themselves have any security for their own liberties nearly so effectual. Let them not suppose that we would seek to make them religious in order that they might tamely submit to wrongs. No; but that they might irresistibly acquire rights. Any people that are liable to violent outbursts are, of necessity, exposed to military oppression. But upon a people of Christian principles, observing personal and family religion, keeping holy the Sabbath day, cherishing Bible precepts, and wise in Bible light, no government would ever attempt to trample with soldier tyranny. Such a people would stand sublimely before their rulers; their worth would make them mighty. Rulers would rejoice to make such a people free, and, in conceding liberty, would not fear for order. A calm and pious populace would surely advance in all their rights; a passionate and irreligious populace bring oppression on their own heads. It was very natural that, when the people appeared on a barricade, General Cavaignac should meet them with cannons and cuirassiers. But what could cannons or cuirassiers have done the other day before this hall when it was filled with our people, of whom a thousand had been writing on the sanctities of the Lord's day? A cannon presented against such an assembly! The general does not breathe who would dare to attempt it. Yes, a truly pious people will be a security for their government, and a protection for themselves. A people addicted to the barricade tempt oppression; a people addicted to the Bible render it impossible.

Young men of London, I adjure you, in the name of all that