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ings of freedom, yet other circumstances have materially affected the character and destiny of free governments thus secured. In some countries the people have been so long subjected to the dominion of a despot, that their powers of mind have been enfeebled, as well as debased; and nothing but excessive physical suffering has been sufficient to arouse them to manly action. This was the situation of those who founded the republics of antiquity. Receiving the chains of slavery as their paternal inheritance, they were the passive instruments of arbitrary power while its requisitions were sufferable; and it was only when their physical natures could endure no more, that they arose in their might, and rebuked their oppressors. Many were the deeds of heroic bravery which they performed, and nobly did they endure privations for the common cause. Subsequent ages have held them in high respect, I had almost said veneration, and their exploits have been the theme of every poet and historian, of every orator and statesman. While we would not seek to divest them of any well earned renown, truth requires that they should be regarded rather as brave soldiers, than wise, intelligent legislatorsas having great bodily rather than mental powers. Possessing an indomitable love of liberty, and a most bitter hatred of tyranny and tyrants, they resolved to rule themselves, without considering the qualifications required for this high office. Their ideas of liberty were either vague or erroneous. Order and subjection to law they could not brook, inasmuch as thereby their natural liberty was diminished, and it was only by dear-bought experience that they learned that some of this natural personal liberty must be given up, in order that the remainder, and the great ends of civil society, might be secured. Under such circumstances, and by such men, those governments were founded, and their melancholy experience proved the incapacity of their founders. It is true, indeed, that in many respects the regulations adopted by their lawgivers were such as have secured the admiration of subsequent legislators, yet history informs us that even these apparently faultless laws were not adapted to the people and to the times.

But a slight acquaintance with the laws which regulate the human mind, would teach us the difficulties, nay, almost the impossibilities, attending the formation of a free government for a community which had ever been enslaved, both politically and mentally, for a people entirely unacquainted with the responsibilities and duties resulting from civil society.

We turn with pleasure to the contemplation of our own origin, and here, as in the case of ancient republics, it is necessary for us to inquire into the condition and habits of the people before their adoption of a free government, if we would understand the influences which operated in the formation of our national character. The ancestors of those who framed our government, had for ages been distinguished for their enterprise, and fearlessness of danger,

and also for the firmness and wisdom which they displayed in maintaining the principles of liberty against tyrants, and tyrants' slaves.

The oppressions and exactions heaped upon them, rather increased than damped their natural ardor. Voluntary exiles from all the pleasures and comforts of civilized life, in order that they might enjoy civil and religious liberty, they were ready to brave "perils by land, and perils by sea," to secure their rights.

A savage foe, and the ravages of disease and famine, did indeed compel them to receive the protection' of their parent country, but it was only while protection was afforded, that they patiently endured the control of others. When the heavy hand of the tyrant was felt, stripping them of property, and of essential rights and privileges, they spoke in a language bold, but firm, which carried terror to the friends of tyranny. Our forefathers were called, it is true, to endure the yoke of the oppressor, but it was not until they had experienced the value of liberty, and learned the duties of freemen. They were compelled to destroy a tyranny, odious in its forms, but it was of foreign extraction. No arbitrary master arising from their very midst, had swayed the scepter of unlimited power; no long established habits of subjection, had encircled them in their destructive folds. The spirit of freedom, ever alive in their breasts, awaited only a fit opportunity to display itself in all its strength. This opportunity was soon offered, and our revolutionary struggle furnished a field for the display of all the nobler qualities of human nature, which was neither neglected, or dishonorably improved. Much as has been said in praise of those who fought the battles, and matured the counsels of that eventful period, much more remains to be said, before they will receive their due reward. The wisdom and skill with which our country was led through the dark periods of that struggle, form a striking contrast with the folly and rashness of the founders of former republics; form an indisputable proof of the superior advantages which attended our origin.

The trials and dangers of a revolution being passed, a yet more important labor remained to be performed, one which was to render all preceding toil useless, or a source of innumerable blessings to the whole people. A constitution was to be framed, a form of government adopted. We are disposed at the present day, to underrate this arduous task. Enjoying the full blessings which an admirably arranged government secures, we are prone to forget the anxious watchings, and labors, by which it was established. When we reflect upon the peculiar character of our people, then just emerged from a tedious war; upon the situation of the country, divided into thirteen parts, and extending through many degrees of latitude; upon the fate of former free governments, and the dangers attending a new political experiment, we can form some faint conception of the feelings of the patriots who undertook to frame our constitution. Warned by the history of the past of the dangers attendant upon

irresponsible power, they wisely adopted checks and balances in every department of government; they formed a constitution which elicited the most unbounded admiration and praise from every friend of the human race, and which will secure the gratitude of all future ages. They did not, like as the lawgivers of ancient times, indulge in idle abstractions, or in vain speculations, but as wise and intelligent men, they availed themselves of the lights of experience, and sought to adapt the government to the condition of those for whom it was designed. If, then, wisdom and experience, rather than folly and inexperience, are the necessary qualifications of a legislator, and if the plans devised under the direction of the former, will more probably secure lasting peace and prosperity to the governed, our fathers were justifiable, notwithstanding the fearful examples of former republics, in anticipating that the government which they had framed, would transmit the blessings of liberty to their late posterity.

A result no less satisfactory will be obtained, if we contrast the moral characters of the founders of ancient and modern republics. The mists of ignorance and of superstition obscured the vision, and darkened the minds of the former, while the latter were enjoying the vivifying influence of intelligence and of the christian religion. In the breasts of the one, the kindlier feelings which link together the human species, and form the only firm bond of civil society, were dormant, while their opposites raged with unrestrained fury. The Pilgrims and their descendants, fondly cherished the finer feelings of our nature, and their influence is seen in the fraternal affection, which so nobly characterized them in all the trials and oppressions which they endured. Force could not sever, corruption could not destroy, a compact made under the influence of such feelings. It may not be proper for this people "to refer their origin immediately to the gods," but it is their privilege to boast of a nobler origin than ever before fell to the lot of any nation.

Our geographical position forms another, and a striking feature, in the contrast between ancient republics and our own. That "an individual is known by the company which he keeps," is a trite but true maxim, and it is equally true that the character of a nation is more or less affected by those with which it is surrounded. The republics of former ages, have ever been enclosed on all sides, by governments whose peace, whose very existence, depended upon their overthrow. All the arts which ingenuity could devise or power execute were employed to secure a result so necessary. The history of those periods in which republics have existed, is little more than a continued account of the wars carried on between them and their neighbors. Sometimes, it is true, the aggression was on the part of the free governments, but far more frequently their aristocratic neighbors are found united in an unholy league against republican principles. By many, these struggles have been regarded as favorable to the perpetuity of free governments, since they kept

alive an active personal interest in the public affairs; but a slight consideration of the nature of republics would have led to a far different conclusion. Monarchical, or even aristocratical governments, may safely extend their dominions by conquest, because the practice of arms is congenial to their institutions, but nothing is more fatal to a republic, than a frequent necessity of defending even its rights by the sword. It is necessary indeed, in the present condition of the world, that every nation should be prepared against sudden attacks, and to maintain its honor and rights; but the unhesitating subjection to command, required in a conquering army, and the long established reverence for the commander, approaching almost to awe, which dwells in the breast of every veteran, cannot consist with the liberal views, and the freedom enjoyed by the citizen of a republic. Moreover, that patriotism, which is excited only by the dangers of war, is of a very questionable character. It may stand the test in the day of battle, while the excitement can be kept up, but unless it is sustained by other and nobler motives than fear, it will pass away, and when, amid the peace and quiet of a well regulated community, it is sought to be revived, all efforts will prove powerless.

The Romans and Grecians were, indeed, renowned for their military prowess, but it was only while the people retained the character and feelings of soldiers, not those of citizens; and the influence of their victories, and of their martial spirit, cannot but be discovered by the careful observer, as very early sapping the foundations of their liberties. A spirit of insubordination on the part of the citizen soldiery, not unfrequently brought those nations, even in the height of their prosperity, to the very brink of ruin. The introduction of foreign habits and customs, of foreign modes of thinking as well as acting, resulted from the subjugation of other countries, and secured the ruin which foreign arms could not effect.

Our country may be said to have an isolated position, with respect to the rest of the world, since the nations which are our neighbors, are not calculated either by their education, habits, or power, to exert much influence upon us. Causes of war may arise between us and transatlantic nations, but there is little probability that any large portion of our population, will ever thus become contaminated with foreign vices or habits. Indeed, we can reasonably anticipate, that the more general dissemination of the peaceful principles of the Gospel, and the rapidly increasing aversion to war, together with the wise policy of our government, to dispense justice and act with moderation towards all, will soon entirely exterminate it, or at least greatly modify its evils.

The corrupting influence of foreign gold, so ruinously felt by ancient republics, can scarcely be experienced here. When a successful general is in command of victorious soldiers, who are his willing instruments, bribery may secure the subjugation of the un

armed populace, but when no such army exists, when the great mass of the people must first be corrupted before the object can be gained, there is little encouragement to make the attempt.

Thus our geographical position protects us from the dangers which beset former republics; yet the situation of the monarchies of Europe at the present time, shows conclusively that our influence is in no measure diminished thereby, but that all nations deriving encouragement from our example will soon secure for themselves the inestimable blessings of a free government.

LIFE DREAMS.*

A VOICE was on the breeze. No mortal tongue
Was speaking; e'en outstripping light itself,
Down thro' space interminable it came.
From off His throne on which Omnipotent
He sits th' Eternal bid His angel bear
An answer to my prayer. For I had asked
Permit of God, the feelings, thoughts and forms
Of others to assume. My prayer was heard.
The deep-ton'd sound was from the angel's lips
Speaking the words of Heaven; the language such
As once on Sinai uttered-' The power be thine.'

At will I changed my form,

And I was on the foaming billows tost
A careless sailor boy. The sea-nymphs rock'd
The cradle at my birth; the winter storm

My natal hymn had sung;-the ocean-spray,
Flung by the wind-god's hand, had christen'd me.
Joyous was I; for care, that wrinkled hag,
My path had never cross'd. As blithe as bird
Upon the wing I ever danced and sung,

Blow ye winds! blow ye winds-speed us on merrily,
Swell out ye breezes our snowy white sails;

'Neath our bow curl the foam, dash it up full of glee;—
Kiss me yet once again water-born gales.

I am a rover! my home is the ocean;

My heart is all merriment, laughter and joy;

Blue sea! I love thee, yes e'en to devotion,

Thou best of all friends to the young sailor-boy.

The poem from which this fragment is taken, was originally delivered before one of the literary societies.

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