rent from the bolt-ropes, flying in shreds upon the gale. Without waiting to consider whether I had any right so to do, I sprung forward and commenced giving my orders to the men. The ship having now no sail to keep her to the wind, fell off at first, and then broaching to just as I had reached the waist, an enormous wave came crushing in through the fore rigging, sweeping and tearing away every thing before it. I caught but a glance of the sea and just heard the mate's voice, 'Look out! save yourselves!' before I felt myself buried in its bosom. Choked with the water which was pouring into my throat, I convulsively threw out my hands to save myself, as I was borne along in the mingled mass. At this moment my senses left me, and I knew nothing more until I found myself in my berth and the steward bathing my temples. Upon enquiry I learnt, that the sea had carried me aft more than half the length of the ship, about fifty feet, and dashed me against the bulwarks, doubling my body over the lee-rail and davit. Had I been lifted but a few inches higher, I should have gone overboard and perished. Although much bruised by the accident, I rose from my berth and hastened on deck, disregarding the entreaties of the steward who strove to detain me. The sea, I found, had completely swept the deck, carrying away nearly all the bulwarks and stanchions abaft the fore-shroudsborne off the camboose and long-boat-and dashed to pieces in its course the companion-way and binnacle. The fore-topmast also had been snapt off near the cap, carrying along with it the fore and main top-gallant and royal masts. The ship was rolling in the sea a complete wreck. This was not the worst. Two poor fellows, who had been caught like myself in the waist of the ship, were washed overboard and buried in the bosom of the ocean. How the rest of those on deck escaped I cannot tell, unless it was that all, with the exception of the second mate, were forward of the sea as it came in, while he being well aft had time to secure himself by clinging to the tafferel.

As the main-mast was still standing, the main storm-staysail was set, under which the ship was again hove too. As if satisfied with having wreaked its vengeance upon our poor craft and also upon me in return for the challenge I had given during the earlier part of the night, the wind in a few hours, after hauling to the south and endeavoring to bury us under a flood of rain, began to lull, and by the time morning dawned it was entirely calm. The storm clouds had nearly all fled, and the sun rose with a smiling face to cheer us in our sorrows. The ocean, as if wearied with its sport, was fast sinking to rest, save that here and there a few of the old patriarch waves might be seen combing over, like giants in their death struggles. The wreck of the masts was cleared away and new ones sent up, and before night all sail was again crowded upon the ship. A fine breeze had sprung up from the westward, and forgetful of our past misfortunes, all on board were as laughing as if nothing had befallen us, so true is it that care and sorrow find no lodgment in a sailor's bosom.

PARENTAL LOVE.

EARTH knows not love so pure, so deep, so strong,
As that which in a parent's bosom burns.

'Tis passionless-yet not e'en passion's self,
Links heart to heart in bond so firm. 'Tis pure,-
For not more free from selfish thought's the love
Which for th' Eternal burns in angels' breasts,
Than that which, early kindling, never dies,
Upon the altar of a parent's heart.

This well of love is deep-for though 'tis oft,
Aye often, called upon to lavish forth
Its priceless stores, it ne'er exhausts, but like
A mine of metal rare, the deeper pierce,
The more abundant and more choice the ore.
A child may cause a parent's heart to break,
But yet the latest throb beats warm

For the offending but beloved one.

* But man is vile

And serpent-like; he'll sting the breast which warmed
Him into life, and plant the thorn where nought
But buds of love and hope should bloom.

B. H.

CONTENDING PARTIES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

In

THE age in which we live is remarkable in many respects. advances in literature and science it is distinguished far above those which have preceded it. It is the age of benevolent action, of a high standard of mental and moral attainment. But the prominent characteristics of the present age, seem to be the spirit of improvement in political science, every where prevalent, the uprooting of old theories of government, and the consequent breaking in upon long established and time-hallowed institutions.

Many causes have tended to the accomplishment of these revolutions, the precise influence of which, so seemingly contradictory are they in their nature, it has baffled the wisdom of many philosophers and statesmen to determine. One great, and in our opinion, the most conclusive reason for the revolutions in Europe during the past fifty years, lies in the constant amelioration of man's intellectual being, occasioned both by the general diffusion of knowledge, and by a disposition to examine into the elements of political science. Such a state of mind has been in the process of formation ever since the

days of the Reformation, and the discovery of the art of printing; but it has been reserved for the present age to behold its perfection, and to witness its fruits. That such feelings, being those of a vast majority of mankind, must produce mighty results, that they may by a mad spirit of revolutionary fury, cause the direst convulsions, or that they may by a strict and proper guidance, prove a blessing to the world by securing to its inhabitants the institutions of enlightened liberty, requires but little foresight to predict with confidence. But it should be remembered that modern theories of government are new principles, and every new principle, whether in science or morals, can never be established without opposition from deep rooted prejudices or from opinions founded in error, still less can more liberal forms of government, such as public opinion at the present day seems to demand, supersede monarchical institutions without long continued combat with the force of truth against prejudice, its direst and its deadliest foe. It is a truth which should be distinctly remembered, that in all enlightened nations, even in republican America, the people may be classed politically into two grand divisions; the one consists of those who are opposed to a liberal construction of the powers of government, and who deny that the popular will should be in every sense representative;-the other, of those who believe that all authority should emanate from the people themselves, as all government should be designed for the mutual benefit of the governed. Especially is this the case at the present day in England, and it is an examination into the causes and effects of these principles, the censuring of what has a tendency to excess in either, and a commendation of what is truly excellent in both, that we propose at present. It would perhaps be well to observe that the spirit of rancor exhibited by both parties is commensurate with the interests which they have at stake, and that the eventual triumph of either principle will cause the annihilation of the other.

The first thing which claims our attention as peculiar to those who are opposed to any change in the existing state of affairs is, the spirit of reverence, of an almost idolatrous awe, with which they regard every institution bearing the stamp of age. Experience teaches us that men are led away by their passions rather than by the dictates of sober judgment, by warmth of feeling rather than by the impartial voice of reason. Thus is it with men in England. Looking with a feeling of awe upon the fabric which their forefathers have erected, they dare not through respect for their memory and wisdom, endeavor to strengthen the tottering structure or give symmetry to its misshapen proportions. That this feeling of reverence has the greatest political importance, the most casual view of the state of parties in Great Britain, and of the reasons advanced by each in support of their respective creeds, will suffice to prove. It seems to us here, we are free to acknowledge, inconceivable that, in a country professing to be free, the right of forcing the people to

support the established religion, of excluding men from office on account of their religious tenets, of bribery and corruption, should ever be seriously claimed, save by those who are personally interested in sustaining so bloated and rotten a system. Yet are these rights asserted not only by a blood-sucking, and profligate priesthood, but by very many who, judging that the elements of present prosperity must be the same as those of the past, far from considering these abuses as so many incubi on their institutions, maintain them as the very corner-stone of the British constitution.

But the effects of this spirit of reverence are not less blinding nor less infatuating than those produced by an idea very generally prevalent in Great Britain, that it is impossible to alter in any manner their institutions without impairing their efficacy. The English constitution must be founded on a basis far less enduring than we should naturally infer, judging by its past history, if acknowledged defects cannot be remedied without endangering the whole structure. That it is a noble edifice even now with all its faults, no one can deny, but that it is possible, and even necessary, to change many of its fundamental maxims to suit the genius of the present age, is equally well ascertained. Common sense plainly proves that gradual but firm inroads must be made upon those institutions which have no claim on a free people except the antiquity of their origin. If a total subversion of the present government is feared by the conservative party, it does not become them, nor indeed is it their interest, to oppose every innovation; but they would do well to let the spirit of reform sate itself by causing wholesome changes, and not urge it to excess by a stubborn and headstrong resistance to it in its milder forms.

We come now to consider another great party in England who are in favor of the modern and more liberal forms of government of which we have spoken, and whose existence with the avowed design of removing glaring abuses in the constitution of the government, would naturally render the gulf which separate Conservatives and Reformers immeasurably wide. The foundation of this party was based on the most patriotic and praiseworthy principles. Viewing with indignant sorrow the many increasing abuses both in the constitution and administration of the government, its founders endeavored to abate, if not to eradicate them by a system of salutary reform. Again, it was not their design to change the present form of government, on the contrary it was their constant endeavor to shun any such imputation; they wished to render a monarchy as perfect, and the people as sovereign, as under such circumstances they could be.

It is however true that these noble principles have been greatly perverted since their first establishment, nor would we judge ourselves safe in asserting that there was no party in Great Britain looking to a dissolution of the monarchy. But it is these principles as they were first advocated, and as they are maintained by their

手

most enlightened supporters, with which we have to do. It would in our opinion save those much trouble, who wonder why the same institutions will not suit the present age, as those under which their forefathers lived, if they would recollect that just in proportion as the world grows older, the people grow wiser. And this being the case, and there being acknowledged defects in the government, there must be opposition to it from the source which this evil affects, and be the event what it may, whether a dissolution of the government or not, it is idle to suppose that the people will not use the remedy in their own hands. That the government is not now as near perfection as it might be is evident; that a spirit of reform is abroad is equally evident, and that the reasons advanced for sustaining the countless abuses in the government are entirely fallacious, common sense proclaims.

Can we fail then as Americans, as lovers of liberty, as unbiassed spectators of this great contest, to prefer moderate reform to moderate conservatism, to cherish a fond hope of the eventual purging of this now foul Gehenna of political impurity. We speak not now, as we said before, of the excess or the abuse of these principles. No! there is nothing we would deprecate more earnestly than continued agitation in the political world, and there is nothing which is so subversive of rational liberty, as sudden and radical changes in the government. We are as much opposed to that delusively wicked scheme of arraying the poor against the rich, and to many other doctrines of radicalism, as we are to the most ultra conservatism, and believe them both equally inimical to the best interests of the people. But there is a mean between these extremes, for which all who love free principles and who desire that the English constitution should be imbued with their spirit should unceasingly contend. It is that rational administration of the government which has for its basis the interests of the people, and which is the only system ever devised consistent with reason and right. It is to this genius of reform that the spirit of the British constitution must ultimately conform itself, and we have strong presumptive evidence of the truth of this position in the growing intelligence of the people, and in their more extended knowledge of the principles which should regulate all governments.

A word as to the probable influence of reform principles in England, and we have done. When we reflect what she is now, the mightiest power in Europe, the mistress of the seas, her resources and her energies unrivalled, and the wealth and enterprise of her sons unequalled-and all this under the curses of a profligate church establishment, of unequal and unjust representation, of burdens too grievous to be borne, and too varied here to enumerate, we catch but a faint glimpse of her glorious destiny if the work of reform now so nobly begun, should be carried out until these abuses are eradicated. Not only in England would this reform produce results the most ben