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the States—a right achieved by the right arm of our fathers, and hallowed in the baptism of blood-a right which existed before our government was called into being, and to which our National Constitution bows in deference. They cannot be desired to gaze on, without alarm or anger, while treason and fanaticism place the brand and the torch in the hands of the savage negro, and, pointing to the whites, bid him rise and destroy. These things must produce excitement. They must alarum the fears-they must awaken the resentment of the people.

"The flesh will quiver when the pincers tear-
The blood will follow where the knife is driven."

To be indifferent is impossible; and if possible, would be weak and unwise. The people that submit to such wrong will submit to any thing. The freeman who can, without alarm, witness the development of the abolition conspiracy, would scarcely be roused by the "crack of doom." The true patriot, instead of lulling the people into dangerous lethargy, instead of encouraging a slumbrous indifference— will pray heaven to

"Fool them not so much

To bear it tamely; touch them with noble anger."

The crisis is one which calls for the aroused and excited energies of the nation. It is in vain that we are told that the abolitionists are few and feeblethat they are regarded with contempt, and meet daily with the emphatic expression of popular abhorrence.

Circumstances give them power.

When the train

is laid a child may fire it. Such is our situation; and the people are called upon, by all that is dear or sacred to them, to interpose, arrest the brand of the incendiary, and save the country from the calamities which menace it.

The people must be made acquainted with this subject-they must be apprized of the rights of the South, and informed of the hollowness and falsehood of the appeals which are daily made to them by the abolitionists. We do not, at the North, claim a right so to discuss this subject as to disturb or agitate the South; but when reckless men have sent forth, for the worst purposes, hosts of falsehoods, it is our right and duty to step aside and crush the misbegotten and dangerous brood. This, and this alone, is our aim.

The incendiaries appeal only to the passions; and endeavour, by falsehood and misrepresentation, to mislead and excite the unthinking. Their arguments consist altogether of specious but misty and unintelligible abstractions. They industriously endeavour to enlist religious feelings in favour of their designs; and are constantly fulminating religious denunciations to move and appal the conscientious but weak. They address themselves peculiarly to women and children; and, by maudlin verses and lying pictures, essay not only to rouse the passions of the slave, but to excite the prejudices of the ignorant and unreflecting of our citizens.

Against these arts, the friends of the Constitution

and the Union-the lovers of peace and order-with confidence oppose the force of reason and truth. Let the facts connected with this subject be known to our people, and the frothy effusions of the abolitionists will cease to be dangerous.

SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH.

CHAPTER I.

Origin of Slavery-Slavery among the ancients, either Involuntary or Voluntary-Involuntary Slavery from War-Piracy-CrimeBargain and Sale.

THERE are few topics which have been subjected to so much vague abstraction and empty declamation as slavery. Various theories have been suggested in relation to its origin; but, separated from hypocritical flourish and unmeaning cant, they amount at last to little else than an admission, that slavery origiginally sprung from the inequality of the race, and the necessities arising from that inequality. The sagacious and powerful subjected their inferiors to their control; and their inferiors, in return, were protected and fed. Nature and necessity created classes, which nothing but the refinements of education could remove. Mind subjected matter to its sway; the bold controlled the timid; the wise directed the weak; and while one class toiled, another counselled, fought and governed. This state of things is not, it must be admitted, accordant with our prin

ciples or feelings; but it would be difficult to prove that it is at war with nature.

"Slavery," says Voltaire, "is as ancient as war; war, as human nature." As far back as history gives us a record of the race, we find proofs of the existence of slavery. Immediately after the deluge, reference is made to it, (see Gen. ix. 25,) and from that period, throughout the whole range of Hebrew history, numberless evidences are given of its prevalence. Slavery existed and was common before and during the siege of Troy. Homer frequently refers to it. "No legislator of antiquity," to quote again from Voltaire, "attempted to abrogate slavery. Society was so accustomed to this degradation of the species, that Epictetus, who was assuredly worth more than his master, never expresses any surprise at his being a slave."

It is scarcely necessary to designate the nations of antiquity in which slavery prevailed. It was established in all. In those countries most celebrated for their liberality and refinement, the institution of slavery existed in its greatest extent. Egypt was crowded with a servile population. Hardy Sparta and liberal Athens owed much of their power to their numerous slaves. Carthage was also celebrated for the number of her bondmen; and her triumphant rival, Rome, won, in her countless conquests, millions of slaves. Paulus Emilius brought one hundred and fifty thousand slaves to Rome; and Augustus sold thirty-six thousand of the Salassii into slavery. Indeed, throughout the whole known world the institution of slavery appears to have prevailed. Sages and patriots, the wise and benevolent, joined in sustaining it; and the slaves themselves, while they suffered under a bondage not always the most lenient, regarded it as their destiny, and endured it without a murmur.

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