with us in the suppression of this most pernicious -this fatal evil to lend their most ardent and cheerful endeavours to prevent the diffusion of a spirit of insubordination and rebellion. And being fully persuaded that our opinions faithfully and truly reflect those of the church to which we are attached, we do most unfeignedly and anxiously beseech those engaged in the propagation of abolition principles, and the distribution of abolition tracts, periodicals, and pamphlets, to abstain from their unasked and unwelcome interference in our concerns, and if they have a spark of compassion, sympathy, or philanthropy in their bosoms, to permit us to enjoy our existence in security and peace."

To this eloquent and affecting appeal-this pathetic detail of the sufferings visited upon the blacks of the South, by the sinister efforts of their false friends-the abolitionists alone could be insensible. Careless of the consequences, they go on. The union of the States may be sundered by their madness-still they persist; the afflicted patriots of their country beseech them to forbear-but they heed it not; the unhappy objects of their affected benevolence implore them to desist-but onward still, over the trampled constitution, the peace, the hopes, and the happiness of their country, they stride forward to their object. Such is their philanthropy.*

* A late number of the Emancipator contains the following article. It will be seen that the abolitionists are aware of the dreadful consequences of their policy-but are determined to persevere in it. It will be seen also that while they acknowledge the calamitous tendency of their course, their only response is "Let them drive out missionaries and schoolteachers-bury the key of knowledge-double the fetters, and lengthen the lash." Such is their kindness and affection for the slaves. Their direct aim is also acknowledged to be, not to convince the slave-holder, but to excite others against him. "To use this very madness and cruelty of the slave-holder as

They would wade to their purpose through a sea of kindred blood-cheer on the hell-hounds of civil war, and in their horrible triumph, while the shrieks of an expiring land ring in their ears, wave above the scene the crimson and reeking banner of Philanthropy!

an argument to rouse the Christian world against the sin of slavery."

"The fruits of Abolitionism.-Some enemies of immediate emancipation, with great apparent delight, point us to the present state of the South. There,' say they, we told you so. See the masters exasperated, and recanting all their purposes of ultimate emancipation. See the slave bound in double fetters. See the free coloured man persecuted, and trembling with fear of banishment or death. See the schools for the coloured people all shut, and the last rays of hope and knowledge blotted out together. See every Northern man who had visited the South on an errand of mercy, fleeing for his life. This is the fruit of your labours.'

"Some, we can hardly call them friends of the oppressed, may be persuaded by such arguments to give over. They may say, 'We have borne our testimony, but it is of no avail; now, therefore, let us wash our hands of the guilt, and leave the slave-holders to themselves.' Not so, brethren-we have more to do. Thousands of prayers are going up to God daily, from those who in the midst of slavery, have not bowed the knee to Baal, for our perseverance. Let them drive out missionaries and school-teachers-bury the key of knowledgedouble the fetters, and lengthen the lash. Let them destroy or banish every man who will not receive on his forehead the brand of the monster-perpetual slavery.—What is the language of God's providence to us? Clearly this: To use this very madness and cruelty of the slave-holders as an argument to rouse the Christian world against the SIN OF SLAVERY."

CHAPTER XVII.

Course of the abolitionists a violation of the Constitution-An infraction of the rights and the laws of the South, &c.

IN discussing the subject of Domestic Slavery in this country, it is proper that we should refer specially and distinctly to the sovereign rights of the Southern states on this question and all minor questions arising from it. It is, however, scarcely necessary to prove what is not doubted, or to urge the truth of assertions which no individual in the country will venture to deny.

The rights of the South do not exist under, but over, the Constitution. They existed before this Government was called into being. The Constitution is rather sanctioned by them, than they by the Constitution. Had not that instrument admitted the sovereignty of those rights, it would never have itself been admitted by the South. It bowed in deference to rights older in their date, stronger in their claims, and holier in their nature, than any which the Constitution of the confederacy can boast.

Let no man then deceive himself. Let him not think that the rights of the South may be changed by a change of our national Constitution. Those rights are out of the reach of the nation as a nation. The confederacy may crumble to pieces, the Con

stitution may pass away-but these rights will remain unshaken-will exist while the South existsand when they fall-the South will perish with them. It will be admitted, that the states which entered into the compact of Union were possessed, individually, of full sovereignty, and were as independent of any and all earthly power as nations can be. If they were not thus sovereign and independent, they had no authority or power to enter into the articles of confederation.

It will be admitted, that in entering into this confederacy, and in adopting the Constitution of 1787, they lost none of their exclusive right of legislation on the subject of domestic slavery in their own borders, but remained, as to that question, as sovereign and independent as at first.

It will be admitted, that instead of losing any of their high and sovereign power on the subject referred to, that power was expressly reserved both in the articles of confederation and in the Constitution of the United States, and that the non-slaveholding states not only admitted and sanctioned it, but bound themselves to restore fugitive slaves from the South, and to secure a representation based upon the slave population.

It will be admitted, that the rights of the slaveholding states on the subject of slavery, have never been surrendered, never been questioned, never been weakened nor diminished; that they are, in relation to that question, what they were before they entered into the confederation, sovereign and independent; and that the non-slaveholding states are, in reference to the same question, what they were before that compact-foreign communities.

Virginia or South Carolina, then, has, in reference to the subject of slavery, no more connexion with us than Russia or Great Britain; we have no

greater right to interfere with her domestic legisla tion on the subject of slavery, than with the internal relations of those kingdoms; nor is she under any greater obligation than they would be, to submit to such interference, without vindicating her rights, and punishing those who dare to disturb her tranquillity.

If a Northern State directly violates these rights, or permits her citizens to do so, *she not only breaks the compact, but makes it the duty of the injured state to defend herself, as an independent state should, from a violation of her sovereignty.

The non-slaveholding states entered into this union with their eyes open. They knew that the compact was subject to this reservation. They pledged themselves to observe it. Every thing sacred to us as patriots, Americans, and men stands pledged for our honourable adherence to the faith then plighted-the promise then solemnly and understandingly extended.

Did our fathers right? No union could have been effected unless the rights of the South had been thus secured. Conscious of this, they were willing to suffer what they could not cure, and gave their sanction to the only union that could have been formed. The result has shown that they were right. Our people have prospered. The friends of freedom, humanity, and religion throughout the world, have reason to rejoice in the compromise then entered into.

The North is not responsible, morally nor politically, for the existence of slavery in this country.

*The sovereign who refuses to cause a reparation to be made of the damage caused by his subject, or to punish the guilty, or, in short, to deliver him up, renders himself in some measure an accomplice in the injury, and becomes responsible for it.-Vattel's Law of Nations.